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ENGLAND: 



THE ACCESSION OF aUEEN YICTORIA. 



AN HISTORICAL RESUME OF THE PARLIAMEJ^TAUY PROCEEDINGS AND THE 

SUCCESSIVE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RESOURCES AND SOCIAL 

CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. 

FOLLOWED BY 

VAEIOUS STATISTICAL TABLES 

TEOM OFFICIAL BECOEDS ; 



%\\ WniuuH Sttrhg 



PRINCIPLES OF PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE AS PROPOUNDED 
BY THE VARIOUS SCHOOLS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 



EDWi>- H. MICHELSEN, Phil.D. 

AUTHOS OF THE " OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND ITS RESOURCES," "LIFE OF NICHOLAS I.' 
ETC. ETC. 



EDINBUEGH : 
ADAM & CHAELES BLACK:, JN^OETH BEIDGE. 

MDCCCLIVr 



\ 






THE LIBRARY 
or CONGRESS 
WAtHINGTOr 



LONDON : 

M'iLLIAM STEVENS, PRINTER, 37, BELL YARD, 

TEMPLE BAR. 



PREFACE. 



The History of England since the Accession of 
Victoria is particularly distinguistied by an unin- 
terrupted series of reforms which have been brought 
about in the social and commercial relations of the 
country. From the repeal of the Corn Laws to the 
reduction of the duties on tea^ raisins^ and other 
articles of minor import^ the prevailing spirit of the 
age manifested itself in a variety of unmistakeable 
phases. It was against that spirit that the late Sir 
Robert Peel had^ some twenty years ago^ created 
a strong and compact party in and out of Parlia- 
ment, by whose aid he attained a power and po- 
pularity seldom^ if ever, before enjoyed by any 
Tory Minister in this country; and although he 
might have kept the field much longer^ he had 
foresight and honesty enough to perceive the in- 



VI PREFACE. 

justice and untenableness of Ms position^ and with 
one sharp blow he crushed party^ principle, theory, 
and prejudice, in acknowledgment of the power 
of that spirit which advocated the cause of the 
poor against the rich, of free competition against 
monopoly, of labour against capital, and of commer- 
cial against landed interests. Lord Derby and his 
Ministers, it is true, also at last submitted to that 
spirit, avowing in Parliament that Free Trade had 
increased national prosperity, and procured employ- 
ment and cheap food to the labouring classes. But 
the avowal was made as a means of retaining office 
under its auspices, seeing that the spirit had fled from 
Protection^ and that the fighting for a dead body was 
as unprofitable as it was useless. 

Be this, however, as it may, the path to future re- 
form is now cleared of all obstacles, save the will of 
Ministers, who may carry any measures tending 
to enlarge the moral and physical welfare of the 
people, provided they propose them in right good 
earnest. 

The author has thought proper to append to the 
volume an historical sketch of the principles and 
theories propounded by the various schools of Poli- 



PREFACE. Vll 

tical Economy^ simply because the champions in the 
vast struggle between Free Trade and Protection had 
rested their arguments mainly on the practical appli- 
cation of those respective theories^ which will be 
found fully analysed in the section specially devoted 
to that part of the question. 



London, 
1^^ October, 1854. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Fage 

NEW EPOCH.— DEVELOPMENT OF NEW PEINCIPLES . 1 



CHAPTER II. 

THE lEISH AND CANADIAN AFEAIRS IN 1837 . . 10 

CHAPTER III. 

COMMENCEMENT OF THE CHAETIST AaiTATION.^ — THE 
JAMAICA BILL.—FALL AND EECONSTEUCTION OF THE 
WHIG MINISTEY IN THE SESSION OF 1838 AND 1839 . 15 

CHAPTER IV. 

MAEEIAGE OF THE QUEEN. — THE STOCKDALE-HANSAED 

DISPUTE IN THE PAELIAMENT OF 1840 « . 25 

CHAPTER V. 

THE PAETIES, AND FALL OF THE WHIG- MINISTEY IN 

1841 . . . . . .31 

CHAPTER VI. 

THE PEEL CABINET OF SEPTEMBEE 1, 1841 . . 44 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Page 

peel's financial and customs measuees of 1842 . 51 



CHAPTEH VIII. 

THE COEN LAW AGITATION. — THE CHUECH AFFAIES OF 
SCOTLAND. — THE lEISH AGITATION IN 1843, AND THE 
BANK EEFOEM IN 1844 . . . ,64 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE MAYNOOTH BILL, AND PEEL's EEFOEM OF THE 

CUSTOMS TAEIFF IN THE SESSION OF 1845 . . 75 

CHAPTER X. 

THE CABINET CEISIS AT THE CLOSE OF 1845 . . 86 

CHAPTER XI. 

THE PASSING OF THE COEN BILL AND EESIGNATION OF 

THE PEEL CABINET IN JUNE, 1846 . . . 93 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE NEW WHIG CABINET UNDEE LOED JOHN EUSSELL, 

AND THE SOLUTION OF THE SUGAE QUESTION . 102 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE FAMINE IN lEELAND, AND PEOCEEDINGS IN PAELIA- 

MENT TILL ITS DISSOLUTION IN 1847 . . 108 

CHAPTER XIV. 

THE GEEAT COMMEECIAL CEISIS IN 1847.-— OPENING OF 

THE NEW PAELIAMENT . . . . . 123 



CONTENTS. XI 

CHAPTER XV. 

Page 

THE AGITATIONS ON THE CONTINENT OF EUEOPE.— -THE 
MINISTEEIAL PLAN CONCEENING- THE NAVIGATION 
LAWS IN THE FIEST MONTHS OE THE YEAE 1848 . 131 

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE PAELIAMENT OF 1849. — THE EEPEAL OF THE 

NAVIGATION LAWS ..... 143 

CHAPTER XVII. 

THE YEAE 1850. — PALMEESTON. — EFFECTS OF THE EE- 
PEAL OF THE NAVIGATION LAWS. — PAELIAMENT. — 
FEEE-TEADEES AND PEOTECTIONISTS . . . 152 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE UNIVEESAL EXHIBITION OF 1851 — AND THE MID- 
DLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY . . . 163 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE YEAE 1851. — PAELIAMENT. — THE MINISTEEIAL 

CEISIS . . . . . . . 167 

CHAPTER XX. 

KOSSUTH. — FEENCH COUP d'ETAT. — VISIT OF ME.WALKEE 172 

CHAPTER XXI. 

THE YEAE 1852. — THE FEAE OF INVASION. — THE AMAL- 
GAMATED SOCIETY OF ENGINEEES . . . 175 



Xll CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Page 

WARLIKE DISPOSITIONS. — AEMAMENTS . . . 180 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE PAELIAMENT OF 1852 . . . . . 183 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE REFOPvM BILL OF LOED JOHN EUSSELL . . 188 

CHAPTER XXV. 

THE MILITIA BILL. — THE FALL OF THE EUSSELL 

MINISTET . . , . . . . 190 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE DEEBY MINISTET ..... 194 



STATISTICAL TABLES IN ILLUSTEATION OF THE CIVIL, 
POLITICAL, AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE 
COUNTET . . . . ... 205 



APPENDIX. 

political economy and its peactical beaeings. — 
(an histoeical suevey) .... 249 



ENGLAND 

TNDEE THE PEESENT EEiaK 



CHAP. I. 

NEW EPOCH. — DEVELOPMENT OF NEW PEINCIPLES. 



The turning point in the internal history of Eng- 
land must be sought in the Catholic Emancipation 
and Eeform Bills^ two measures which stand histo- 
rically and practically in close connection with each 
other. The old English notions^ systems, and insti- 
tutions rested upon the advantages of rank, race, 
and religion; but no sooner were they successfully 
attacked, than further changes seemed unavoidable 
The Catholic Emancipation, however, made deeper 
inroads in the structure of the old state edifice than 
even the Eeform Bill with all its popularity and ap- 
parent advantages. Old England was so thoroughly 



Z ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Protestant in throne^ parliament^ and legislation^ that 
many of tlie anomalies arising from the former bill 
have not to this day been reconciled. The Reform 
Bill^ on the other hand^ assailed the old institutions 
more by its principle than by its application; it 
showed^ it is true^ that the composition of Parlia- 
ment ought to rest on a broader basis of national 
representation; but it did not define the precise 
character of the improvement in a practical point of 
view. The immediate result of that first step was 
the enactment of the new Poor Laws in 1834^ by 
which the influence of the landowners in the rural 
districts was supplanted by that of the State ; and 
the aristocratic writers^ with D^Israeli at their head, 
justly blamed the Tories for having supported a 
measure which tended to diminish their influence 
among the agricultural population^ and thereby faci- 
litate^ moreover^ the introduction of the subsequent 
great measures by which a new epoch was created 
for England^ and increased power given to the town 
population of the country. 

At the accession of Queen Victoria^ June 20^ 1837^ 
the two great parties in Parliament had already ex- 
changed their noms de guerre of Whigs and Tories 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 3 

for Reformers and Conservatives. This transforma- 
tion may be explained from the course of events since 
the introduction of the Reform Bill. The name 
Heformer had become a title of honour to those who 
had advocated that great popular measure^ whilst the 
Tories^ ha\dng been compelled to yield to public opi- 
nion and assent to the bill as a fait accompli, now 
took their stand upon Conservative ground to protect 
state and church against further innovations or en- 
croachments. 

The Reformers, as is always the case with parties^ 
were composed of various heterogeneous parts. At 
their head stood the old Whigs with their aristocratic 
notions and family traditions. Many among them 
had promoted reform in Parliament from a pure sense 
of justice^, others from mere party spirit^ while some 
looked at the measure as a stepping stone to farther 
reforms^ by which the power of the Tories was to be 
gradually destroyed. But it was the middle classes 
in particular who had supported the Whigs in their 
parliamentary position^ and who now loudly claimed 
for their principal reward^ the establishment of an 
economical administration. The large towns had be- 
come conscious of their own power^ and insisted upon 

B 2 



4 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

its acknowledgment. They showed impatience with 
the dilatory proceedings of the Whig Cabinet in regard 
to further reforms^ and having sent a considerable 
number of members to the House since the passing 
of the Reform Bill^ their influence in Parliament was 
not unimportant. At a later period^ they formed the 
elite of the commercial agitators. Again^ the Radicals^ 
though small in number^ were indefatigable in their 
zeal and eflbrts ; speculating upon the favour of the 
masses^ they demanded extension of elective rights 
in opposition to the influence of birth and money 
aristocracy. It had become customary with them to 
make annually a motion for election by ballot^ which 
was in return as regularly negatived. They then 
made common cause with the Chartists^ and no 
wonder they proved a stumbling block to a Govern- 
ment that declared itself against them in every ques- 
tion that involved a principle. 

A very useful but at the same time very question- 
able ally of the Whigs was the Irish party with Daniel 
O^Connell at their head. This extraordinary man 
had^ by his influence^ managed the return of most of 
the Irish members from the phalanx of Repealers, 
although this his tail, as his party was called, was 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 5 

famous for blind devotion rather than cleverness or 
ability. Indeed, throughout his whole parliamentary 
career_, O^Connell showed great jealousy in that re- 
spect j he could not endure rivalry in debates, neither 
was it ever ascertained whether he advocated the re- 
peal for its own sake, or as a mere means to enforce 
concessions for Ireland. In the Conservatives he 
saw the sworn foes of Ireland^s liberty, and not with- 
out reason, though it was a Tory Cabinet that passed 
the Catholic Bill. He hailed that measure as the 
first move towards further reform in favour of his own 
country, while the Conservatives looked at it as a 
necessary evil, called forth by the emergency of cir- 
cumstances, but which ought not to be allowed to 
spread and take root. 

The compact and well- organised Tory party now 
opened the campaign against opponents composed of 
Whigs, Reformers, Radicals, and Repealers. Fore- 
most stood the men of the old school, who cheered 
with animation the call of ^' Church and state,''^ and 
frequently joined in the cry ^' No popery .^^ To them 
belonged the land and all rural wealth, and they found 
devoted allies in the Protestant population of North 
Ireland, and more especially in the influential clergy 



6 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

of the establislied ctiurch. This nucleus of the Tory- 
camp was gradually joined by all those who thought 
Ministers too slow and cautious^ or^ vice versa, too 
rapid and reckless in their movements^ while Sir 
Robert' Peel^ with infinite art and tact^ knew how to 
raise that party within and without the walls of the 
House by skilful management of the elective laws^ 
as well as by gaining advantage from the blunders of 
his opponents. 

In 1833 the over-zeal of his party forced him to 
form a Cabinet^ and undertake the administration of 
the country^ but he was soon compelled to relinquish 
the reins into the hands of the Opposition. Since 
that failure he laboured indefatigably in the con- 
struction of his party. His zealous supporter in the 
upper House was the late Duke of Wellington^ in 
whom the Tories generally found a great advocate of 
their principles. 

The Queen had^ by a recent law^ just been declared 
of age^ and competent to govern the country in person. 
Her father^ the late Duke of Kent^ had belonged to 
the Whigs^ and it was rumoured that she had been 
brought up in the principles of that school. The 
Whig Ministry had found but little support at the 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 7 

court of her uncle^ the late King William IV._, owing 
to the Tory principles of the late Queen Adelaide^ but 
the present change of the throne had opened to the 
Ministers a more extended sphere of operation. Lord 
Melbourne^ the Prime Minister^ though not with- 
out abilities^ was at that time somewhat advanced 
in years^ and was^ moreover^ naturally inclined to 
indolent habits. His social talents^ however, having 
made him a favourite and constant visitor at courts 
he no doubt exercised some influence on the liberal 
views of the Queen. Lord Palmerston^ Foreign 
Minister^ had previously served among the Tories in 
Canning's Cabinet^ but being now a member of the 
Whig Ministry^ he employed his eminent talents and 
activity with equal zeal for the furtherance of liberal 
principles^ which^ in addition to the share he notori- 
ously took in the publication of the ^^ Portfolio ^^^ 
had rendered him odious in the eyes of the absolute 
Cabinets on the continent. Lord John Eussell^ Home 
Secretary^ had always shown himself a thorough 
Whig in his writings^ as well as in his public career. 
He has capacity and goodwill^ but lacks that energy 
and firmness of purpose which are so requisite in pub- 
lic life. It was he who in the Grey Cabinet carried 



8 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

the Reform Bill througli the lower House. The 
views of Lord Howick (now Earl Grey) were some- 
what tinted with Radicalism^ whilst his manners 
were rather repulsive. Labouchere and Parnell, 
both of moderate abilities, were intrusted with 
the finance department. Lord Mulgrave was Lord 
Lieutenant^ and Lord Morpeth Secretary of State for 
Ireland. Both noblemen, and more especially the 
latter, were of decided liberal views, and friends of 
O^Connell. Thus the Cabinet, though strongly cast, 
lacked nevertheless pre-eminent talent and active 
energy to carry out liberal measures in a House 
where the Opposition was arrayed in a compact 
body, and devoted heart and soul to the cause of 
Conservatism. 

We have already indicated the difficult position of 
Ministers opposite the country and their own party, 
and it will soon be seen the manner in which they 
gradually lost ground in public opinion. The change 
of the throne carried with it a dissolution of the old, 
and the convocation of a new Parliament. Both par- 
ties armed themselves with extraordinary zeal for the 
contest. The Whigs, at the hustings, pointed to their 
services through the Reform Bill, and even to the 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 9 

liberal views of the young Queen^ whom they said 
the country ought not to deliver up to the tyrannical 
counsel of the Tories. This proceeding was not 
altogether constitutional^ but it was well calculated 
to win hearts for the cause. The sex and youth of 
the new Sovereign inspired the people with a sense of 
loyalty little short of chivalrous devotion and patriot- 
ism. Neither was O^Connell behind in these en- 
thusiastic demonstrations ; his heart overflowed with 
devotion to the Monarchy and he animated his coun- 
trymen with the same feeling at the monster meet- 
ings in Ireland. His influence at the Irish elections 
procured for Ministers a number of new adherents. 
Family connections also acquired for the Ministers an 
additional force of Liberal votes in Scotland. It was 
difl'erent, however^ in England and Wales. In the 
larger industrial towns^, it is true^ the elections fell 
upon the Liberal candidates^ but in the counties and 
agricultural boroughs the Conservatives had a de- 
cided majority. Their watch- word was_, ^^ The odious 
new Poor LawSy^ though the leaders of the party in 
both Houses had supported Ministers in the carrying 
of the measure. The final result of the elections 
was a slight majority for the Tory party. 

B 3 



10 



CHAP. II. 

THE IRISH AND CANADIAN AFFAIES IN 1837. 



The new Parliament was opened by tlie young 
Queen in person on the 20th November^ 1837^ in 
the presence of an immense concourse of people. The 
split in the camp of the Liberal party became already 
manifest at the answer to the Address. "Wakley^ of 
the Radical party, moved for a paragraph in favour of 
extension of suffrage, to which Lord John Eussell 
strongly objected, to the great annoyance of that 
section in the House ; and the motion was of course 
negatived by a large majority. Two questions, 
Canada and Ireland, engrossed the public mind 
duiing this session, and involved Ministers in 
numerous difficulties. A few years previously, a 
breach had taken place between the British Go- 
vernment and the provincial Parliament in Lower 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 11 

Canada. Religious antipathies^ national hatred be- 
tween the French and the English population^ and^ 
above all^ the proximity of the United States^ in- 
spired the Canadians with a wish for political inde- 
pendence. That wish gave birth to numerous com- 
plaints and various demands which England could 
not concede without effectually dissolving her con- 
nection with Canada. The English Radicals, how- 
ever, saw in the Canadian malcontents a welcome 
aUy whom they thought right to support in Parlia- 
ment on every occasion. Government itself was 
not disinclined to make some liberal concessions by 
way of reconciliation; but the French population, 
headed by a certain Papineau, broke out into an open 
insurrection, which was however soon quelled, despite 
the support offered to them by the frontier inha- 
bitants of the United States. A second attempt at 
disturbance likewise failed, and the English Govern- 
ment at last resolved to move in Parliament for 
extraordinary measures. It was then enacted that 
the constitution of Canada should be suspended 
until November, 1840, and the administration of the 
colony be carried on in the interval by the governor 
and his council. Lord Durham was deputed to 



12 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Canada for that purpose. He caused the insurgents 
to be disarmed^ tlie leaders arrested^ and some of 
tliem banished to the Bermuda Islands. To inflict 
the punishment of transportation^ was a right to 
which the governor was certainly not authorised 
by law^ and the enemies of Lord Durham and the 
Ministers were not slow in pointing to that incident in 
their attacks on the Government^ who^ in their per- 
plexity^ disapproved of the decree and conduct of Lord 
Durham. The latter resigned his office in conse- 
quence, and at the same time issued a very violent pro- 
clamation against the unfair proceedings of the Go- 
vernment, who, however, had not sufficient courage 
to notice and punish the offensive language. In the 
following year Government brought in a bill for the 
re-union of the two Canadas, which, being met with a 
strong opposition, was withdrawn, and they contented 
themselves with providing Lower Canada with a pro- 
visional Administration. 

Ireland has been and is still the sore spot of 
all Governments. England's aristocracy and high 
churchmen have not yet forgotten the injuries in- 
flicted upon them by O^ Council, the ^^ lAherator of 
Ireland^ who already in 1 837 dared to pronounce 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 13 

that '^the Catholic emancipation was only the first 
instalment of the debt due to Ireland/^ That arch- 
demagogne knew well how to organise and keep his 
lively countrymen in constant agitation by new 
societies and new operations. He called together 
monster meetings^ spoke to their passions^ descanted 
on the innate power of their men^ the virtues of 
their women_, and the beauty^ but also the poverty^ 
of their island. He was not less profuse in his per- 
sonal attacks against individual members of the Oppo- 
sition than in his claims and demands at the hands 
of the Legislature^ which was at that time very 
much occupied with the Church affairs of Ireland. 

Ireland was sighing under the burdens imposed 
upon her by a religious and political fanaticism. The 
minority of the population belonging to the established 
church of England^ was almost in exclusive posses- 
sion of the church estates throughout the island, and 
a number of Protestant clergymen might be seen 
who had no living from church and congregation, 
but whom the poor Catholic population were com- 
pelled to maintain from their private resources. It 
is true that Parliament had in 1834 greatly reduced 
the number of bishoprics, and made provisions that 



14 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

the superfluous Anglican livings should remain unoc- 
cupied; the English clergy^ however^ did all that 
they could to save from this shipvrreck at least their 
church property. Government had repeatedly at- 
tempted to employ the excess of the clergy for ge- 
neral and more especially for educational purposes ; 
but the proposals were always met by strong opposi- 
tion from the Conservatives. It was in the upper 
House especially where every reasonable attempt at 
reform was negatived^ and the existing system was 
retained with all its defects and mismanagements. 
Many debates also took place during this session 
about the oath of the Irish members^ but without 
effective results. Indeed all the debates and pro- 
ceedings in Parliament concerning the Irish affairs 
during that session produced no other result than 
to bring out the views of the various parties in 
strong relief, and to throw a light on the diminished 
influence of Ministers in the upper Hou^e^ where^ 
in addition^ a bitter crusade was conducted against 
the foreign policy of the Government as regarded 
the civil war in Spain. The session closed on the 
16th August, 1838. 



15 



CHAP. III. 

COMMENCEMENT OP THE CHARTIST AGITATION. — THE JAMAICA 
BILL. — FALL AND RECONSTEUCTION OF THE WHIG MINISTRY 
IN THE SESSION OF 1838 AND 1839. 



An agitation of a novel character was in the mean- 
while preparing in the country. The popular agita- 
tions by which the Reform Bill was carried in pre- 
vious years^ had rendered the masses accessible to 
radical reforms^ had shaken their traditional attach- 
ment to the constitution of the country^ and raised 
in their minds a desire for further rights and privi- 
leges. The Keform Bill itself was far from satis- 
fying the people at large^ as neither they themselves 
nor their interests enjoyed under it legislative re- 
presentation in Parliament. Nor were the new 
Poor Laws calculated to assuage the discontent of 
the masses^ who looked at them as the immediate 



16 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

cause of the high prices of provisions. The vast 
number of operatives accumulated in the manufac- 
turing districts now wanted a much larger share in the 
fruit of labour. They cared therefore but little about 
the new agitation against the Corn Laws_, as diminution 
in prices appeared to them tantamount to a diminu- 
tion in the rate of wages. Their own demands were 
of a more political character ; they asked for ge- 
neral suflrage by ballot^ for annual elections^ and 
for the pay of the members in the House. These 
demands they embodied in the ^^ People's Charter/' 
whence they received the name of ^^ Chartists.'' In 
the autumn of 1838 the sphere of their operations 
had greatly extended in point and character. Large 
meetings were held in the open air by torchlight 
during the nighty which added solemnity to the cause^ 
and inspired the minds of the adherents with re- 
doubled enthusiasm. Government having forbidden 
such meetings^ a large assemblage of the working 
classes^ about 20^000 in number^ met together near 
Manchester^ and was presided over by Fielden^ the 
Chartist member of Parliament. This meeting was 
to be an introduction to a move on the part of the 
working classes to petition Parliament in favour of 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 17 

the People^s Charter, One of the principal speakers 
at the meeting, a certain Stephens, thus explained 
the meaning of the term : — ^^ The principle of the 
People's Charter/^ said he, ^^is the right possessed 
by any one who breathes the free air of heaven, or 
walks upon the free ground of the earth, to have a 
comfortable dwelling, and to feel himself happy, like 
all his fellow creatures, in the possession of a wife and 
a family. The question about universal suffrage is 
after all but a knife and fork question. I understand 
by it, that every labourer in the kingdom shall have 
a right to possess a good coat, hat, safe dwelling, 
and enjoy a healthy meal ; that he shall not work 
more than his health will allow, and that he shall 
receive as much wages as will enable him to live 
comfortably, and enjoy those amusements to which 
every rational being is entitled.^^ These words may 
be regarded as indicating the view which the speakers 
held on the subject, and it may readily be conceived 
how such language was calculated to find favour with 
the masses. This same Stephens was arrested for 
his speeches before the close of the year, which act 
caused great excitement amongst the Chartists. Dis- 
turbances took place at Birmingham, and preparations 



18 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

for similar outbreaks were being made in several other 
places^ wben^ at the beginning of 1839^ a so-called 
National Convention was convoked at London^ where 
a petition^ alleged to be signed by 1^200^000 persons^ 
was laid before the House on the 12th of July^ by 
Mr. Attwood^ but which was rejected by a vote of 235 
against 189. 

The National Convention had in the meantime 
removed to Birmingham^ which called forth renewed 
disturbances^ and compelled the police^ after much 
trouble^ to arrest the Chartist leaders. On the 15th 
July more disturbances took place^, and were only 
quelled by the help of the military. An incident of 
a pecuHar character closed the Chartist agitations of 
that year. A justice of the peace^ named Frosty had 
induced the superstitious inhabitants of his district to 
a crusade to Newport, whence the flag of Chartism 
was to spread all over the country. Arrived at the 
gates of the town the whole crowd was dispersed by 
a few armed soldiers. Their leaders^ Frosty Williams, 
and Jones, were arrested, tried, and sentenced to 
death, which sentence, however, was afterwards com- 
^muted to transportation for life. 

On the 6th of February, 1839, the new Parliament 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 19 

opened under auspices the least favourable to Minis- 
ters. The confusion arising from stagnation in trade, 
the agitation of the Chartists, and the formation 
of the Anti-Corn-Law League was still further ag- 
gravated by the bad state of the public exchequer 
and a general feeling of distrust in the management 
of public aflfairs. It was only in the large towns 
that a number of zealous Reformers adhered to the 
existing Government. In the lower House the 
ministerial majority had become so small that the 
fate of the Cabinet measures depended wholly on 
chance and extraneous circumstances, though the 
Radicals had again joined the ministerial party in 
order to keep the Conservatives out of office. It was 
in that session that Lord John Russell observed in 
Parliament, that ^^the Reform Bill required further 
alterations/^ an observation with which he was so 
often reproached at a later period. In the upper 
House Lord Melbourne declared that the Corn Laws 
were under consideration, and that although the 
majority of the Cabinet were in favour of alterations 
no definite resolution had as yet been arrived at. 

At this time Ireland also proved a bone of conten- 
tion between the two parties. After many delibera- 



20 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

tions and debates^ Parliament could not come to an 
understanding upon the details of the new municipal 
constitution which was to be granted to Ireland. 
The right of voting for the election of magistrates 
still rested^ in the larger towns of Ireland^ on the old 
aristocratic basis_, which gave preponderance to the 
Protestant portion of the community. Government 
wished to found that elective right upon a broader 
basis^ but failed to carry the measure through the 
upper House. After many fruitless attempts at com- 
promise^ Lord John Russell was compelled to an- 
nounce in the House that the bill had been given up. 
Much more important in its consequences was the 
Jamaica Bill. Ever since the slave-emancipation^ 
there existed continual bickerings between the mother 
country and the West India planters. Those of 
Jamaica in particular having represented in bitter 
terms the fatal results of the emancipation^ Parlia- 
ment was induced to pass an Act against the abuses 
of the existing prison system in that island. This 
Act was viewed^ however^ by the Legislatm'c there, as 
an encroachment upon their rights, and they most 
obstinately refused to make any alterations in the 
internal administration of the island. Government 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 21 

then moved in Parliament the suspension of the 
Jamaica constitution for five years. The motion 
was strongly opposed by the Conservative party^ and 
the second reading of the bill was only carried by a 
majority of five. The consequence was that Ministers 
gave in their resignation. 

On the 7th of May the Queen ordered the Duke of 
Wellington to form a new Cabinet. He immediately 
named Sir Kobert Peel as future Prime Minister. 
The Queen told them both in plain terms that she 
reluctantly separated from her old Ministers^ while 
in the country itself a great reaction suddenly took 
place in favour of the old Cabinet. The Conserva- 
tives^ it is true^ were rejoiced at the change^ but in 
the larger towns it was admitted that an error had 
been committed in having allowed the fall of a 
Liberal Government. Neither was O^Connell be- 
hind in these lamentations^ he having never ceased 
to see in the Conservative party the sworn ally of the 
bigoted Orange lodges in Ireland. Sir Robert Peel 
could not conceal from himself the diflSculty of his 
situation. Though he was sure to command a ma- 
jority in the upper House^ he knew perfectly well that 
in the lower House he had no better chance than 



22 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

his predecessors in the carrying of measures. He 
saw wisely in the present moment only a repetition 
of the attempt in 1835^ when the close union of the 
Whigs and Radicals compelled him in a few months 
to resign office. There can be no doubt that this 
consideration^ and not the occurrence we are about 
to mention^ was the real motive of Sir Robert PeeFs 
refusing to form a Tory Cabinet. He was not the 
man to play with half-chances^ which he saw were 
now not better cast than in 1835. 

On the 10th of May the formation of a Tory 
Cabinet was nearly completed^ when it became known 
that Sir R. Peel had made a request of the Queen 
with which she positively refused to comply. He 
wanted to remove from her court the Ladies-in-wait- 
ing^ composed of members of the leading Whig 
families^ which demand the Queen declined^ on the 
ground that it was not only contrary to custom but 
also repugnant to her feelings. His reason for mak- 
ing the request^ as he alleged^ was to show the coun- 
try that her Majesty placed unlimited confidence in 
the new Ministry. Be this^ however^ as it may^ Sir 
Robert declared that he could not under such cir- 
cumstances think of forming a Cabinet, and the 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 23 

^Tiigs tlierenpon announced in Parliament their in- 
tention of reconstructing the Cabinet. Mutual re- 
criminations revealed afterwards the true position 
of affairs^ nor did the Tories despise an attempt at 
forming a counter-party at courts headed by the 
Dowager-Queen Adelaide. 

The Whig Ministry was reconstructed with some 
modification. Lord Normanby was appointed Home 
Secretary in lieu of Lord Glenelg^ who had been 
guilty of several gross blunders in the Canadian 
affairs. Macaulay^ a Scotchman and a thorough 
Whig^ alike celebrated for his powers of oratory and 
literary attainments^ became Minister of War. In 
the lower House the previous speaker^ Abercrombie, 
resigned^ and Shaw Lefevre was elected in his place 
by 317 against 299 votes^ the latter number having 
voted for Goulburn^ the Tory candidate. 

The most important measure of the new Ministry 
was the temporary settlement of the Jamaica dis- 
putes. Government, adopting the previous suggestion 
of the Conservative party, now proposed that the 
colonial Parliament of Jamaica should once more be 
convoked, in order to give them another opportunity 
of introducins: suitable alterations in their internal 



24 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

administration; and in case of peremptory refusal, 
the Governor should be empowered to make them 
himself according to circumstances. 

But even this proposal was met with energetic 
opposition in the lower House, while the upper 
House made still further modifications in the bill, 
which were at last consented to in the lower House. 
The question was thus for the present set at rest. 

Of the other proceedings of ParHament during this 
session we will only mention two notable facts. 
Macaulay, to the great scandal of the Tories, was 
bold enough to declare himself in favour of a motion 
for voting by ballot made by the Radical Grote. 
Rowland Hill^s plan of the penny postage was intro- 
duced by Government in the House, and adopted 
despite a numerous opposition, in which even Sir 
Robert Peel had joined. The session closed on the 
7th of August. 



25 



CHAP. IV, 

MARRIAGE OF THE QUEEN. — THE STOCKDALE-HANSARD 
DISPUTE IN THE PARLIAMENT OF 1840. 



The new session began on the 16th of January, 
1840. The Address from the Throne contained many 
interesting topics, among which was the announce- 
ment of the royal marriage. The pohtical topics 
in it gave rise to the ordinary attacks upon and de- 
fence of the ministerial policy, and were only distin- 
guished by an unusual want of tact and judgment on 
the part of the Tories in marking out a new field 
of battle against the Ministers. The union of the 
ministerial with the O^Connell party had roused in 
the Tories a suspicion against the orthodox feelings 
of the Ministers, and they expressed a fear lest the 
Sovereign herself might be infected with the religious 
malady. It was no doubt meant as a petty revenge 

c 



26 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

for her having shown so much personal satisfaction 
with the Whig Ministry. With an emphasis truly 
comical, the Duke of Wellington found fault with the 
address because Ministers had omitted to state in it 
whether the future consort of her Majesty was really 
a Protestant according to the laws of the land. He 
actually persuaded the upper House to insert in the 
reply a few words to that effect. Lord Brougham 
was the only one who saw in the manoeuvre great 
danger for the public welfare, and entreated their 
Lordships not to indulge in personal vindictiveness. 
The new field of personalities seemed to the latter^ 
however, so interesting that, when in a few days 
the bill of naturalization was brought before them, 
their Lordships refused to sanction the clause in which 
the rank next to the Queen had been accorded to the 
Prince, and actually struck it out from the bill ; whilst 
in the lower House the Tories succeeded in reducing 
the allowance to the Prince from £50,000 to £30,000 
sterling. All this was but a preliminary and indirect 
attack against the Ministers, who were about to be 
assailed in a more direct and decisive manner. On 
the 28th of January Sir T. Yarde BuUer moved for 
a vote of want of confidence in Government. The 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 27 

parties were so nearly balanced in strength that the 
result was looked for with great anxiety. Nothing 
told against the Ministers so severely as the deficient 
state of the finances^ to which Sir Robert Peel pointed 
with unusual eloquence. The impossibility^ however^ 
of forming a new Administration was a circumstance 
greatly in favour of the existing Cabinet^ and after 
lengthened debates of three days^ duration^ the motion 
was lost by 308 against 287, 

Before we proceed to notice the changes in the 
home and foreign policy of the country^ which brought 
about the definitive fall of the Ministry in the follow- 
ing year^ we will briefly mention an event almost 
unparalleled in the annals of parliamentary history^ 
and which^ though it had already commenced in 
1837^ was not terminated until the session of 1840. 
We allude to the Stockdale-Hansard dispute rela- 
tive to the printing privilege. 

In one of the Parliamentary Committee Reports on 
prison discipline^ it was observed that there were found 
upon some of the prisoners at Newgate obscene works 
published by a certain Stockdale. The latter brought 
an action for libel against Hansard^ the parlia- 
mentary printer^ in November^ 1836. Hansard 

c2 



28 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

pleaded in his defence the authority of Parliament^ 
and the question naturally arose whether that autho- 
rity exempted him from responsibility in the publica- 
tion of libel. Lord Denman declared himself against 
that view. ^^ I know/^ he said^ ^' of no corporation 
in England that has the right to authorise the pub- 
lication and sale of a libel, and he that sells such a 
publication is himself responsible for the act/^ But 
the Committee of the House declared that Parliament 
possesses unlimited right to publish as much as it 
pleases of its own proceedings^ that Parliament con- 
stitutes its own and only tribunal as regards the ex- 
istence and extent of its privileges^ and that there is 
consequently no other tribunal in the realm that can 
control its actions. Hansard, in consequence of the 
decision of the House, not having thought it neces- 
sary to answer and appear any more before the Court, 
was judged in contumace, and a warrant of distress 
executed on his property by the Sheriffs of London. 
Matters had arrived at this stage when Lord John 
Russell, on the very first day of the session of 1840, 
moved that Stockdale, his attorney, and also the 
Sheriffs, should be arrested as offenders against the 

authority of the House. The motion was acted upon, 

t 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 29 

and the parties arrested. Stockdale^ however^ having 
shown repentance^ and expressed his regret^ was libe- 
rated. B Lit no sooner had he recovered his liberty than 
he recommenced an action against Hansard. To put 
a stop to the conflicting decisions Lord John Russell 
introduced a bill for the protection of parliamentary 
publications. The motion having passed the lower 
House^ was accepted also by the upper House^ with a 
few modifications^ and all the prisoners were there- 
upon set free. 

As usualp the Irish affairs again occupied most of 
the time and labour of Parliament^ and as usual every- 
thing remained in statu quo. The strength of the par- 
ties had become so nearly balanced^ that neither was 
able to advance a step. We pass over all the unimport- 
ant discussions on the subject^ as also those on the 
state of the finances^ which clearly showed an increased 
deficit^ and we will only make some allusion to the Chi- 
nese war^ which had broken out about this time : w^e 
mention it simply because it afforded to party spirit 
food for bitter criticism^ more especially as the Govern- 
ment had not at first carried on the war with suffi- 
cient firmness^ nor assumed the most suitable position 
at the negotiations of peace. We shall not here in- 



30 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

vestigate the question as to the justice or injustice of 
that war^ although its characteristic indication as the 
Opium War seems to us a perfect misnomer. During 
that session, Lord John Russell, after much opposi- 
tion, succeeded in passing a bill for the union of the 
two Canadas. A bill also passed for the appoint- 
ment of Prince Albert as Eegent, in case of the death 
of the Queen during the minority of the heir ap- 
parent to the throne. Parliament was prorogued 
on the 11th of August with the usual pomp and 
ceremony. 



31 



CHAP. V. 

THE PARTIES, AND FALL OF THE WHIG MINISTRY IN 1841. 



In the interval between the two sessions^ public 
opinion had been greatly excited by various events 
both at home and abroad. The treaty which had 
been concluded on the 15th Jnly^ 1840, between Eng- 
land^ Russia^ Prussia^ and Austria^ for the restitution 
of Syria to the Sultan^ had led to popular discontent 
in France. The diplomatic defeat which the Thiers 
Ministry had suffered was to be counterbalanced by 
artificial manoeuvres, calculated to frighten England 
into concessions. All the French tapage, however, 
was unable to save Syria for Mehemet Ali ; Lord • 
Palmerston^s victory was complete, and Thiers was 
obliged to hand over the portfolio to Guizot, his 
rival. The opinion of English statesmen of all parties 
was in favour of the ministerial measures, by which 



32 ENGLAND UNDER ^HE PRESENT REIGN, 

alone^ it was believed, a general European war could 
be prevented. But the people at large were far from 
being agreed upon the point. The Liberals, as well 
as the Radicals, disapproved of the steps taken by 
Government. The former condemned the rupture 
with France as a concession to the so-called absolute 
powers, and as an injury inflicted on the progress of 
liberal notions generally, that party being accustomed 
to view, in the union of France and England, the 
guarantee of the constitutional principle adopted in 
both countries. The Radicals, on the other hand, 
had an aversion to war generally. War was with 
them only another term for increased taxes, decreas- 
ing revenue, and, above all, a preponderant influence 
of the aristocracy. These disputes were not without 
influence on the vital questions on which soon after 
the fate of the Cabinet depended. 

About the same time, two agitations, diametrically 
opposed to each other in character and principle, en- 
grossed public attention, but, strange to say, both 
found at a later period an exponent in one and the 
same man. The agitation conducted by Sir Robert 
Peel in favour of the restoration of the Tory influence 
had been of some years' standing, and was nearing 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 33 

its successful issue ; while that of the Anti-Corn- 
Law League^ headed by Cobden^ was in its incipient 
career, and had as yet found but little sympathy 
among the people at large. The means employed 
by the two agitators were as different from each 
other as were the ends they had in view. Sir Robert 
PeePs efforts were particularly directed to the undeni- 
able errors of his opponents^ which he tried to turn 
to the advantage of his own party. He did so with 
all the skill of a man who had become great in party 
warfare^ who was slow but sure in aiming a blow. 
He was certainly not over nice in the choice of his 
means^ but_, having pronounced himself against the 
most important view^s of the Whigs, the Tories had 
some claim upon his leadership in the House, where, 
though he did not positively support all their preju- 
dices^ he listened passively to their opinions^ thereby 
inducing a belief at least that he tacitly approved of 
them. His first advice was to reconstruct the party by 
parliamentary election, i. e., to bring upon the elective 
registers in the towns and boroughs as many votes as 
possible^ — a scheme by which he really succeeded^ year 
after year, in strengthening the Opposition in Parlia- 
ment. Relying upon the gradually increasing strength 

c 3 



34 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

of his party^ he refused^ in 1839, the temptation of 
constructing a Cabinet upon the as yet slender prospect 
of success : his hope lay in the future. The growing 
deficiencies in the revenue^ arising in part from his 
own opposition to some of the salutary measures 
brought forward by Government^ by which the cala- 
mity might possibly have been averted^ tended on the 
one hand to deprive the Ministers more and more of 
partisans^, and to promote his own views on the other. 
It was quite different with Cobden^s agitation. 
Hoping to succeed at last in having the Corn Laws 
repealed^ his parliamentary activity consisted in 
pleading, though in vain, session after session, for 
their repeal, whilst his labours out of the House were 
zealously employed in persuading the people of the 
iniquity of those laws. But here also the cause he 
pleaded for did not meet with rapid or enthusiastic 
success. The Anti-Corn-Law League had been 
founded as early as 1838 by merchants in Manchester, 
perhaps not without some selfish motive to lower the 
rate of labour by cheapening the prices of food — a cir- 
cumstance which prevented the cause from becoming 
popular in less time. The League had thus to encounter 
enemies from two opposite sides : the Aristocracy and 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN, 35 

the Landed Interest on the one hand^ and the Chart- 
ists on the other. The former were either appre- 
hensive of losing their influence^ or laboured under 
the impression that protective duties are essential to 
national welfare. The Chartists^ on the other hand^ 
saw in the labours of the League only a combination to 
benefit the manufacturers at the expense of the work- 
ing classes. The members of the League^ though they 
were as yet too weak as an independent party^ were 
nevertheless of considerable importance as auxiliaries. 
O^Connell lent them his support^ as did also a consi- 
derable number of the dissenting clergy ; but the grand 
operations of the League^ as a great fact, began at a 
much later period. 

These various operations^ agitations^ and manoeu- 
vres appeared in the foreground of the debates soon 
after the meeting of Parliament on the 26th of 
January^ 1841^ when the campaign opened respecting 
the foreign policy of the Government. But as the 
leaders of the parties^ as we have already men- 
tioned^ approved of that policy^ the attacks led to no 
result. It was different^ however^ with the position 
of affairs at home. Various circumstances had 
conspired to render the present session one of the 



36 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

most important in the annals of Parliament. The 
term of the New Poor-Law system^ which had been 
adopted in 1834^ was about expiring in 1841^ and 
a motion for its prolongation gave full scope to party 
feelings. The passions to which those laws gave rise 
were of a most acrimonious character. The land- 
owners^ whose patriarchal infjuence on the rural popu- 
lation had ceased with the introduction of those laws^ 
and the labouring classes^ who quarrelled with the 
principle of being relieved by the state only in cases 
of distress and utter helplessness^ now went hand in 
hand in opposition to that system^ and with them also 
a great number of those who had stigmatised the 
Poor Laws^ more especially when first brought into 
forcC; as cruel and barbarous. This united and vio- 
lent opposition led to long and extended debates^ 
which were only closed in favour of the new Poor 
Laws by the unanimous acknowledgment of the 
leaders of all parties that the old system had only 
tended to impoverish and demoralise the country^ and 
to impose taxes to an unbearable extent ; and that con- 
sequently to remedy the evil it was necessary to in- 
troduce new and more efficient laws into the system. 
A motion to reject the Government bill for the pro- 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 37 

lona'ation of the Poor Law Commissioners was ne- 
gatived, and Government at last claimed a victory in 
that respect. 

With regard to Scotland^ the Kirk affairs there en- 
grossed the attention of the upper House to a consi- 
derable extent. The question turned mainly as to 
whether the right of appointing a minister does not 
exclusively belong to the community. The strict 
Presbyterians^ with Dr. Chalmers at their head^ de- 
cided in favour of the community^ and their influence 
on the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland 
was so great^ that the latter divested of their dignity 
all those Presbyters who had installed church minis- 
ters without the sanction of the community. The 
subject was then brought before Parliament, where 
various means were in vain devised to reconcile the 
two parties. The disputes resulted in a complete 
separation of the parties^ the orthodox Presby- 
terians having resolved to found by their own means 
a non-intrusion Kirk. 

Of far more importance for the development of 
party prospects was the resumption of the Irish ques- 
tion. Both Lord Stanley (now Earl of Derby) and 
the Government brought in, almost simultaneously. 



38 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

bills for the amendment of the laws on the qualifica- 
tions of Irish electors. Notwithstanding O'ConnelPs 
passionate appeals in favour of the ministerial plan, 
the Government was sev^eral times defeated, and at 
last compelled to adopt the plan submitted by Lord 
Stanley. The time was fast approaching when the 
Ministers would be forced to yield to the rule of 
their opponents. 

It must, indeed, appear strange to any one who is 
somewhat familiar with the principles of state affairs, 
that such a scientific and practical statesman as Lord 
John Russell should have refused to surrender the 
Government to the Opposition after so many parlia- 
mentary defeats in both the years 1839 and 1840. 
We must consider, however, that the Tories had then 
formed, as perhaps now, only a factious Opposition in 
the House, to whom the Ministers were perhaps un- 
willing to sacrifice the higher interests of the country. 
That this same party should when in power (as subse- 
quently in 1852) carry out the very principles pro- 
pounded by the Whig Cabinet, was a thing the least 
expected from them, but which will be more fully ex- 
plained in the sequel. 

The greatest enemy of the Whig Cabinet was al- 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN, 



39 



Avays its financial embarrassment, which had increased 
from year to year ; and the danger was still more aggra- 
vated by the circumstance that the Government was 
unable to devise means to remedy the evil^ simply be- 
cause the remedy was closely connected with radical 
measures affecting the financial and economical prin- 
ciples of the country^ measures which the Ministers 
did not possess sufficient power to carry through the 
House. 

The decrease above alluded to^ under the Whig ad- 
ministration^ is shown in the following table : — 



1837 
1838 
1839 
1840 
1841 



Deficiency 
of Revenue. 

£654,860 

345,227 

1,512,793 

1,593,971 

2,101,370 



Whilst the five preceding years exhibit a surplus of 
revenue in each year^ viz. : — 



1832 
1833 
1834 
1835 
1836 



Surplus 
of Revenue. 

£614,759 
1,512,093 
1,608,155 
1,620,941 
2,130,092 



40 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

At the eleventli hour^ however^ Ministers^ find- 
ing their position untenable^ made an attempt at a 
financial reform^ calculating^ no doubt^ on the popu- 
larity of the measure^ and the assistance of the Anti- 
Corn-Law League^, and no less, perhaps^ on the diffi- 
culties and embarrassments they were thereby pre- 
paring for the Opposition^ whose accession to power 
could be no longer doubted. 

On the 30th of Aprils the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer having made his financial statement to the 
House^ Lord John Russell announced his intention of 
moving in a Committee of the whole House^ on the 
31st May^ for a revision of the Corn Laws. On the 
part of the Ministers it was undisguisedly stated that 
alterations in the existing Customs Tariff had become 
a matter of necessity^ both for the purpose of improv- 
ing the public revenue^ and for the better develop- 
ment of native industry. The discussions to which 
the motion gave rise were followed by a general 
movement throughout the country. The Anti- Corn- 
Law League redoubled its exertions : it formed branch 
societies^ — sent emissaries to all parts of the kingdom^ 
— and raised a popular cry^ ^^ Cheap Bread f^ whilst 
the Opposition in Parliament^ aided by the societies 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 41 

established for the abolition of slavery^ raised against 
that measure a counter^ not less popular^ cry of ^^ Slave 
Suffar/^ the differential duty on which Ministers had 
proposed to abolish. The question of Free Trade 
then^ for the first time^ came before the House 
in the form of the sugar question. The approaching 
fall of the Cabinet might have been foreseen in the 
haughty words of Sir Robert Peel^ which contrasted 
remarkably with those by which he^ a few years later^ 
expressed the fiindamental principles of his policy : — 
'^^I do not intend/^ he addressed the Whigs^ '^to 
follow your example^ to oppose now the measure be- 
fore us^ and recommend it next year to Parliament. 
. . 1 am no general friend to the principle that 
our right policy consists in buying in the cheapest 
market. I prefer a sliding-scale to a fixed duty.^"* 

In the course of his speech^ he gave it to be un- 
derstood that he considered himself as the future 
Minister of the Crown^ although he contented him- 
self on that occasion with a general promise to re- 
store the balance between the revenue and expendi- 
ture. He certainly was not quite wrong when he con- 
cluded his speech by telling the Ministers that it was 
only the fear of losing office that prompted them to 



42 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

the proposal of these measures. On this occasion^ 
Lord Palmerston made a very spirited speech on Cus- 
toms Duties^ in which he showed himself a staunch 
advocate of absolute Free Trade. At a division^ 
the Ministers lost by 36 votes (317 against 281). It 
was generally expected that they would at last have 
thought it advisable to resign. They still lingered 
in office^ however^ and Sir Robert Peel thought 
it then right to hasten the catastrophe by a direct 
motion of want of confidence in Ministers. The 
debates on the motion began on the 27th May^ and 
lasted during seven sittings. On a division^ the mo- 
tion was carried by a majority of one (312 against 
311); and the Ministers then declared that under 
these circumstances the country must decide by a 
fresh election. Parliament was prorogued on the 
22nd of June_, and dissolved on the succeeding day. 

The new Parliament was convoked for the 19th of 
August; and the election agitations commenced imme- 
diately after the dissolution of the old one. The new 
liberal measures in commerce which the Government 
held out in prospect increased^ rather than diminished^ 
the number of the Opposition. The foreign relations 
of the country^ to which some writers attribute the fall 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 43 

of the Cabinet^ played but a secondary part upon the 
hustings; nor were attempts omitted on this occa- 
sion to stigmatise the Tory party as one prone to 
offer personal insults to the Queen. The result of 
the elections was a decided majority for the Tories of 
70 to 80 votes. The paragraph in the address from 
the throne^ recommending the expediency of making 
alterations in the existing Corn Laws^ became the 
battle field on which the victory to be gained re- 
mained no longer doubtful. In the upper House^ 
the ministerial address remained in a minority of 72 
votes^ whilst in the lower House^ though the for- 
mer Whig candidate^ Shaw Lefevre^ was re-elected 
Speaker^ a counter-address was moved by the Oppo- 
sition. After lengthened debates^ the ministerial 
address was also here rejected by a majority of 91 
(360 against 269). On the 30th of August the 
Ministers declared their resignation in both Houses^ 
whereupon the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert 
Peel were commissioned by the Queen to form a new 
Cabinet. * 



44 



CHAP. VI. 

THE PEEL CABINET OF SEPTEMEEE 1, 1841. 



The new Cabinet came into power on the 1st of 
September^, 1841. It consisted of persons wbo had 
either already served in a Tory Ministry^ or distin- 
guished themselves in the late debates against the 
Whigs. Nothing was now heard of the difficulties 
which Sir R. Peel was alleged to have met in 1839, 
concerning the personal attendants of the Queen. 
The Tories were again at the head of the Administra- 
tion_, which was chequered with various tendencies, 
though its outward appearance betokened a uniform 
principle. Sir R. Peel throughout his public career 
had always belonged to the Conservative party, where 
his talents secured him an honourable position. But 
he was a Conservative after a peculiar fashion of his 
own. His efforts and principles were always directed 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 45 

against tlie abuses in legislation and public life^ and 
he never refused to give his aid in support of facts 
which could no longer be denied. Though only 
a second-rate orator^ his words and thoughts were 
clear and to the point ; as a statesman he was cau- 
tious^ almost to a fault ; he was neither too sanguine 
in his expectations^, nor too positive in promises. 
These qualities^ added to his financial talents^ had 
endeared him to his party and the nation at large. 
His faithful shield-bearer^ ever since the passing of 
the Catholic Emancipation Bill^ was the Duke of 
Wellington^ who had been by turns idolised and 
scorned by his countrymen^ but who occupied^ under 
all circumstances^ an important position. 

Though the Duke was not brought up a statesman^ 
nature had endowed him with a rich portion of com- 
mon sense^ or mother-wit^ which was still more 
sharpened by the various and extraordinary difficulties 
of his military career. He entered the new Cabinet 
without a portfolio^ and belonged to the moderate 
Tories. 

The Duke of Buckingham^ who was appointed 
Lord Privy Seal^ was neither distinguished for his 
oratory nor political abilities^ but he joined the Cabi- 



46 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

net as the personification^ as it were^ of the Corn Laws^ 
of wMcli lie was a stauncli advocate. The proposals 
of the fallen Cabinet, which tended to modify those 
laws^ proved one of the stepping-stones by which Sir 
R. Peel had attained his present position; and it can- 
not be wondered that the Corn-Law party thought 
they had found their exponent in the new Cabinet. 

Of a very diflPerent cast was Lord Lyndhurst^ a 
skilful orator^ an eminent debater^ and one of the 
greatest lawyers of the realm, who (though of plebeian 
origin^ from North America) ruled hj his will the 
Tory party in the upper House. When in the 
Opposition it was his custom^ at the close of every 
session, to favour the House with an analysis of the 
ministerial proceedings during the session. These 
speeches were replete with biting criticisms and witty 
strictures on the views and doings of the Cabinet, to 
the great edification of his hearers. He became 
Lord Chancellor in the new Cabinet. Lord Stanley 
(now Earl of Derby) belonged formerly to the Whigs, 
and he it was who introduced the Catholic Emanci- 
pation Bill. Difi*erences however, on the application 
of Irish church property, had brought him over to the 
Tory camp. Passionate by nature, he bore a profound 



EXGLAXD UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 47 

hatred_, ever since lie bad been Secretary for Ireland^ 
against O^ Connelly wbo bad indulged in malicious 
sarcasms against tbat baugbty nobleman. As a 
statesman^ be stands accused of many faults, nor 
bas be ever^ owing to tbe impetuosity of bis temper^ 
produced mucb eflPect as an orator^, tbougb be knows 
bow to lend a peculiar cbarm to bis speecbes. To 
bim was allotted tbe Secretarysbip for tbe Co- 
lonies. 

Sir James Grabam bad previously left tbe Wbig 
Cabinet on tbe same occasion as Lord StanleVj, and 
be now entered tbe Tory Cabinet witb bim as Home 
Secretary. Sir James is one of tbose practical and 
sbrewd men^ wbo^ witbout occupying tbe first rank^ 
know bow to render tbemselves indispensable to tbeir 
party. Lord Aberdeen was appointed Foreign Se- 
cretary^ a post be bad previously occupied under tbe 
Wellington Ministry. He possesses no extraordinary 
talents^ and was at an earlier period accused of par- 
tiality for continental absolutism. But little remains 
to be said of tbe otber members of tbe new Cabinet : 
suffice it to mention tbat tbe bigb cburcb party was 
not unrepresented amongst tbem. 

It is a fact^ tbougb tbe Tories would not admit it, 



48 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

that there existed no uniformity in the leading ideas 
either in the Cabinet or in the party at large ; neither 
could Sir R. Peel boast of possessing the full and 
implicit confidence of his party. The High Church- 
men had- not yet forgiven him his apostacy in favour 
of the Catholic Emancipation Bill^ whilst the land- 
owners suspected in him a leaning towards a more 
liberal policy in commerce^ so much so that his party 
even muttered loud threats of deserting him should he 
ever take it into his head to attack the palladium of 
the Corn Laws. Sir Robert^ on his part_, viewed these 
threats as mere childish poutings^ conscious that he 
was indispensable to the party. He positively refused 
pledging himself for the maintenance of the Corn 
Laws^ and the whole of his conduct showed a reluct- 
ance to limit the free sphere of his pohtical opera- 
tions by any previous engagement or promise. He 
demanded obedience^ and would not allow questions. 
The English nation appears to have witnessed his re- 
elevation to office with satisfaction. It expected from 
him a better management of the public finances 
at home^ and a restoration of peaceable relations 
abroad. 

Differences with North America and France, war 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 49 

in China and the East Indies^ were the inheritance 
left by the Whig Cabinet. Cobden^s agitation had 
gained much gronnd in Ireland. O^Connell saluted 
the return of the Tories to power with open hostility. 
New unions were founded^ new plans devised^ and 
the Repeal agitation extended far and wide ; while 
the agitator himself no longer hesitated to exclaim^ 
loudly and publicly^ that ^^ England^s weakness is Ire- 
land's strength/' so long as there was a chance of a 
war with France. 

The new Parliament met on the 16th of Septem- 
ber^ anxiously awaiting the measures to be brought 
forward by the new Minister. Sir Robert^ however^ 
contented himself for the moment with adopting the 
old budget of the last Cabinet^ and proposing to 
cover the deficit with new exchequer biUs and a 
trifling loan. The principal reason of the delay was 
that the Ministers had not as yet come to a perfect 
understanding on the new measures to be proposed^ 
owing to the heterogeneous elements of which the 
Cabinet was composed. Even his own party looked 
with dissatisfaction^ if not with suspicion^ at the 
delay. Sir Robert^ however^ remained true to his 
principle^ not to be shackled in his public labours 

D 



50 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

by considerations apart jfrom public duties. He was 
independent of friend and foe^ and bis financial 
measures^ as also tbe renewal of tbe Poor Laws^ wbich 
lie moved for^ were consented to, and the House 
finally adjourned on tbe 7tb of October. 



51 



CHAP. VII. 

peel's financial and customs measures of 1842. 



The interval between the sessions was employed 
on all sides in preparation for the coining contest. 
The Ministers were fully engaged with the unsettled 
state of foreign affairs in which Lord Palmerston 
had left them. The difference with France was daily 
assuming a more threatening attitude, while the dis- 
putes relative to the Oregon territory were still 
further aggravated by the proceedings of the North 
American tribunal against Mac Leod^ a British 
officer. Neither were the Asiatic wars calculated 
to lessen the difficulties of the Cabinet. Public 
opinion in England had^ for the last forty years^ 
always been in favour of honourable peace^ and the 
endeavours of Lord Aberdeen were in consequence 
employed to procure peace without actually betray- 

D 2 



52 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

ing the honour of the nation. Ministers^ however^ 
succeeded in their endeavours. France was at last 
pacified ; Lord Ashburton was sent on a special mis- 
sion to the United States to settle the question at 
issue; whilst^ in India and China^ war was continued 
with vigour and activity. The internal position of 
England^ indeed^ rendered a pacific policy not only 
advisable but even necessary. The exports had de- 
creased from J53,233,000 in 1839 to £47,381,000 
in 1843; showing a decrease of six millions, of 
which three millions fell to the account of cotton 
manufactures alone, which amounted in 1839 to 
£24,550,000, and in 1842 to £21,679,000. Several 
mills had stopped working, and a great number of 
operatives had been thrown out of employment — a 
circumstance that led to disturbances in some of the 
manufacturing districts. Agricultural produce, too, 
had experienced a considerable decline; wheat had 
fallen in price from 70^. ^d, per quarter in 1839 to 
57^. Zd. per quarter in 1842; oats from 25^. lid, to 
19^. Zd. per quarter; barley from 39^. 6c?. to 27^. Qd, 
per quarter. The complaint of distress was thus of a 
general character, and the sympathies of the working 
classes were assailed by the two leading agitations of 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 53 

the Chartists and the Anti-Corn-Law League^ — the 
one claiming for them increased wages^ and the other 
cheap bread. The manufacturers and merchants 
naturally sided with the League^ which as its pecuniary 
resources increased was enabled to employ expen- 
sive means for establishing branch societies, publish- 
ing millions of tracts, and sending emissaries through- 
out the kingdom to preach to the masses the necessity 
of abolishing the Corn Laws. The Chartists were 
thus left in the background, probably from want of 
proper means to carry on the agitation on a more 
extended scale. 

What the intention of Government was with re- 
gard to the Corn Laws no one. could tell; it remained 
a Cabinet secret, and the public only exhausted itself 
in conjectitres, although the withdrawal of the Duke 
of Buckingham from the Cabinet, early in 1842, 
seemed to have afforded some clue to it. It was 
rumoured that he was induced to that step by the 
measures intended to be introduced by the Govern- 
ment with regard to the Corn Laws, to which he could 
not give his consent. It was at all events a signal to 
friend and foe that some alteration was to be pro- 
posed. The address from the throne, on the 3rd of 



54 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

February^ 1842^ (at which the King of Prussia was 
present^) announced that measures would be brought 
forward touching the Finances^ Commerce, and the 
Corn Laws of the country. On the 9th of February, 
Sir Robert Peel made Parliament acquainted with 
his plans. The attention of the country had been 
strained to the utmost, and all the avenues leading 
to the House were literally blocked up by an im- 
mense crowd of spectators, whilst a procession of the 
Anti-Corn-Law League tried to give a certain direc- 
tion to the views of the assembly. It must indeed 
have been a proud moment for an individual who 
owed everything to himself to have excited so much 
attention and curiosity throughout the country, al- 
though much more gratification of personal ambition 
was in store for him at a later period. 

In a speech which lasted for several hours, and 
which was listened to with breathless attention. Sir 
Robert dwelt on the causes of commercial distress, 
which he skilfully connected with the existing Corn 
Laws. He did not believe, he said, that low prices 
of corn had anything to do with the material welfare 
of the country at large, since England produced 
enough of it for her own consumption; and, added 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 55 

he, as it would be dangerous to make her depend too 
much on the importation of corn from abroad^ pro- 
tection to native agriculture was highly necessary. 
He was therefore not inclined to make any alteration 
in the principle of the existing sliding scale, but 
merely some modifications in its application, by 
fixing the maximum of the duty at 20^. instead^ as 
hitherto^ at 35^. 8d, He closed his speech by assur- 
ing the House that in devising his plans he had the 
interests of all classes of society in view. 

It will be seen that Sir Robert was more circum- 
spect than bold in his proposals. But though he 
dared not to attack the principle of the existing laws^ 
or the mighty interests connected with them^ he did 
more than enough to alarm his agricultural friends. 
Neither was he more fortunate with the Opposition^ 
who demanded a fixed duty ; while the League depre- 
cated a duty of any kind. Though he was most vio- 
lently assailed by both parties in Parliament^ he car- 
ried his measures triumphantly through the House^ 
simply because there was no person to occupy his 
place with safety. The amendment of Lord John 
Eussell for a fixed duty of Ss. per quarter was nega- 
tived by 349 against 326 votes^ whilst Villier»^ motion 



56 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

for the entire abolition of the Corn Laws was rejected 
by a majority of 303. Christopher^s motion for a 
higher sliding scale was also negatived^ the majority 
being 306 against 104^ and the original plan was 
consented to on the 5th of April. Before the Corn 
Bill had passed through all its stages^ Sir Robert 
brought in his new financial measure of a direct 
income tax of sevenpence per pound sterling on all 
incomes exceeding £150 per annum. He considered 
the increase or even introduction of new indirect 
taxes as injurious to the prosperity of the country^ 
and proposed on the contrary a diminution in the 
rate of customs duties. Neither the opposition of 
the Whigs to^ nor even the open discontent of the 
people in some parts of the country with^ the mea- 
sure had any effect on his resolution. He knew his 
position^ calculated correctly^ and carried his plan 
against all opposition^ high and low. The bill^ by 
which a new element was introduced in national 
economy^ passed both Houses and received the Royal 
sanction. 

The third financial measure had reference to the 
alterations in the Customs Tarifi*^ which he laid 
before the House on the 5th of May. The various 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 57 

rates of duties^ prohibitions^ and exemptions which 
pervaded the British tariff had wrought a perfect con- 
fusion in its application for practical purposes. Some 
of the provisions for restricting the trade of particu- 
lar countries had been made in a spirit of hostility^ 
more especially as regarded France ; others were mani- 
festly made for the exclusive benefit of the treasury^ 
and again others for the encouragement of industry 
generally. The confusion was still further enhanced 
by the complicated regulations of the Navigation 
Laws. It is true that several modifications had been 
effected in the tariff since the year 1820_, and from 
that year to 1841 inclusive^ duties had been repealed 
to the estimated amou.nt of <£9jl90_,900"^^ whilst those 
imposed only amounted to <£3_,746^800; leaving a 
balance of £5^444^100 for the actual amount of re- 
ductions. Nevertheless^ these alterations were of 
such a contradictory character that it was evident 
the Legislature was guided by no definite principle. 
Thus^ in one year^ five articles on which the duties 
were reduced were in the year following subjected 
to an increased duty. On some luxuries the duties 

^ See Appendix. 

D 3 



58 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

were diminislied^ while on some necessaries they were 
increased — the produce from one colony was favoured^ 
whilst that from another was refused equal privileges 
— some exports were subjected to duty^ and some 
imports exempted. In shorty the whole tariff regu- 
lations betrayed a want of system and uniformity in 
the principle of taxation. The proposals which Sir 
Robert Peel now made were planned in a financial 
point of view. All duties which tended to check trade 
without benefiting the revenue he proposed to abolish. 
This category comprised the greatest number of arti- 
cles in the then existing tariff. Another category^ on 
which he proposed either to reduce or to repeal the 
duties^ embraced raw materials employed in manufac- 
tures^ or as necessaries of life. The plan was of a 
comprehensive nature_, and the extraordinary impres- 
sion it made throughout Em'ope will hardly be for- 
gotten by his contemporaries. The most remarkable 
part of his speech on that occasion was the conclusion^ 
in which he manifested a thorough bias for Free 
Trade. ^^I know/^ said he, ^^that many members 
who are zealous advocates for Free Trade are of 
opinion that I have not gone far enough. Neither do 
I believe that opinions now differ as regards the prin- 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 59 

ciple of Free Trade. I think that all are agreed that 
we should buy in the cheapest market and sell in the 
dearest. But/^ continued he_, ^^ after mature consi- 
deration of the present state of the country^ and the 
effect of the change on the landed interests^ I think it 
advisable to make no further alterations in our com- 
mercial legislation.^^ 

The effect of the speech and plan was decisive. 
The alterations in the customs tariff were favourably 
received by the leading merchants and manufacturers ; 
whilst the League^ as well as the working classes, 
viewed the income tax and the reduction of the corn 
duties as at least the first steps towards cheapening 
bread and diminishing their own burdens, arising from 

taxes, &c. The Whig Opposition, therefore, at once 

» 
acceded to the plan, but nevertheless claimed the 

credit of having first suggested it. 

In proportion, however, as Sir Robertas new liberal 
plans found favour with the country and the Whigs, 
the indignation of the Tories and landowners rose 
with redoubled force. Their suspicions and appre- 
hensions were realised; they thought that he had 
betrayed their interests, and a powerful opposition 
against his measures was formed by his own friends 



60 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

in both Houses of Parliament^ as well as by nume- 
rous meetings held in the rural districts. Notwith- 
standing this opposition,, his measures were carried^, 
and his proposed customs tariff, with a few modifi- 
cations^ became the law of the land. 

Sir Robert Peers position was singular in the 
extreme. He triumphed over his enemies by the help 
of his friends^ and scorned the ill-will of his friends by 
the aid of his enemies. He advanced step by step in 
his new career; and, while he inflicted injuries on the 
highest interests in existence, he created new mate- 
rial powers, and prepared new moral and physical 
engines for the future prosperity of England. 

In the meanwhile, the Chartists had found leisure 
and means to organise their body and to ramify their 
associations in several parts of the country, and whicli 
at that moment seemed to threaten danger to the 
tranquilhty of the nation at large. Stagnation in 
trade and commerce, the effects of which were felt 
by all classes of society, and more especially amongst 
the operatives, afforded to the Chartist leaders a fair 
opportunity of promulgating their doctrines among the 
masses, who held numerous meetings, day and night, 
canvassing their rights and devising the most direct 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 61 

means of attaining tliem^ and thereby improving the 
condition of the working classes. After frequent dis- 
turbances and strikes, a giant petition, purported to 
be signed by upwards of three milhons of persons^ 
was brought in grand procession^ on the 2nd of May^ 
to the House^ and presented to Parliament — in the 
lower House by Duncombe^ and afterwards in the 
upper House by Lord Brougham. The petition con- 
tained the six principal points of the '^ People^ s Char- 
ter J^ The motion of the member for Finsbury to 
allow the petitioners, or their representatives, to plead 
for themselves was — as might be expected — negatived 
by a large majority, 287 against 49. votes. It may 
not be uninteresting to mention that the discussion 
turned chiefly upon one of the points prayed for^ by 
the Charter, viz., general suffrage, — and that the 
liberal Macaulay was amongst those who strenuously 
opposed it, though in the session of 1839 he voted in 
favour of Grote^s motion for vote by ballot. 

It is not our task to enumerate here the whole pro^ 
ceedings of the session of 1842. We must content 
ourselves with sketching the most important points of 
the parliamentary labours. The disturbances in the 
manufacturing districts, chiefly the result of the 



62 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Chartist agitations^ had considerably occupied the 
attention of Parliament^ and though they gave rise to 
repeated discussions on the subject no practical result 
ensued from the debate. The bill of Lord Ashley 
(now Earl of Shaftesbury) for limiting the labour 
of women and children in coal mines met with much 
greater success. Sir James Graham^s bill for the 
prolongation of the Poor Laws experienced much 
opposition^ but as public opinion was decidedly in 
their favour^ the bill passed notwithstanding. The 
close of the session was now approaching^ and al- 
though Sir Robert Peel had overcome the great ob- 
stacles in his way^ he was yet unable to averts or 
even soften in some degree^ the injurious effects 
of party spirit. The political parties were more at 
variance than ever^ and the agitations of the working 
classes were far from being terminated. Indications 
of an armed rise were visible in the manufacturing 
districts of the kingdom^ and Lord Palmerston, in his 
speech at the close of the session^ in pointing to the 
disturbed state of the country around them^ found 
many causes for censuring the policy of the Govern- 
ment. Sir Robert Peel^ on the other side/ analysed 
the injuries inflicted on the country by the erroneous 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 63 

policy of the members of tlie late Government^ who^ 
he thought^ were now responsible for the sufferings 
of the people^ which he had partly succeeded in re- 
moving by his own more just and skilful policy. Nor 
did he with less pride point to the success of the 
army in the East since his accession to the Admi- 
nistration. The relations with France^ the United 
States^ and the Brazils were^ however^ still in an 
unsatisfactory position when the session was brought 
to a close^ on the 12th August. 



64 



CHAP. VIII. 

THE COEN LAW AGITATION. — THE CHUECH AFFAIRS OF SCOT- 
LAND. — THE lEISH AGITATION IN 1843, AND THE BANK 
EEFOEM IN 1844. 



The Corn-Law agitation^ wliicli had increased to an 
unparalleled extent throughout the whole of Eng- 
land^ again claimed public attention. Unions were 
formed^ public meetings held^ lectures delivered^ 
and millions of tracts distributed^ by which means 
the agitation penetrated into the circles of the rich 
and the poor^ and challenged the most quiet families 
to discussion on the justice of the Corn Laws. At 
the head of the movement stood the indefatigable 
Cobden^ assisted by Bright, Fox^ Wilson^ and others. 
Manchester was their seat and focus. The late 
measures of Sir Eobert Peel^ which they regarded 
as a step in advance towards the establishment of 
their principles^ encouraged them still more to per- 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 65 

severe in their undertaking. The Corn-Law ques- 
tion did not^ however^ long remain limited to its 
own sphere^ but soon identified itself with the ques- 
tion of Free Trade generally^ and paved the way to 
political debates in the approaching Parliament of a 
more comprehensive character in commercial legisla- 
tion. Neither was the Chartist agitation doomed to 
be passed by in silence in the ensuing session. The 
monster petition having led to no beneficial results^ 
the indignation of the working classes rose with the 
increasing distress of their condition^ and vented 
itself in frequent outbreaks of a violent character^ 
which^ though easily quelled^ might have served as 
a signal for a general outbreak^ which Government 
thought could only be anticipated by salutary laws. 
The Irish aff*airs had also assumed a serious aspect. 
O^ Connelly availing himself of the unpopular position 
of the Tories in Ireland, made an attempt to obtain 
a separate Parliament for that kingdom. He in- 
fused new life into the National Loyal Association, 
(founded in 1840^) the focus of Irish agitations. 
Penny contributions constituted the donors mem- 
bers of the association^ while repeated meetings 
were held in all parts of the island^ by which a 



66 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

general enthusiasm was roused amongst the Irish 
(a people accessible to rapid impressions)^ for liberty 
and independence^ such as they heard preached from 
the pulpits and propounded in the lecture halls of 
their country. O^Connell and his tail spent but 
little time that year in Parliament^ in order to have 
more leisure for carrying out their plans. We shall 
see^ by and by^ how that comprehensive agitation was 
checked in its progress by a single measure of the 
Government^ that was neither coercive in its nature 
nor fraught with bloodshed in its execution. 

In pacific and industrious Scotland a movement 
had also developed itself^ which^ although of a purely 
ecclesiastical character^ was destined to play an im- 
portant part in the political state of that country^ and 
which may^ perhaps^ not be without influence even on 
the future condition of England herself. We allude 
to the separation of the Secessionists from the Esta- 
blished Church in Scotland. It need scarcely be 
mentioned that the presbyterian church is in Scot- 
land what the high church is in England. The 
union of that church with the State had deprived 
her of many of her rights^ and more particularly of 
the right previously enjoyed by the congregation^ 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 67 

of electing their own officiating clergy. A dispute 
about that privilege having thus arisen between the 
State and the Scotch Synod^ the year 1843 was 
destined to witness the separation of the parties 
so completely^ that by the side of the established 
church another party division was formed under 
the name of the Free Non-mtrusion Church, 

These gloomy prospects were still more darkened 
by the commercial crisis which manifested itself at 
the beginning of the year^ principally in the manu- 
facturing districts^ and which lessened to some extent 
the usual amount of public revenue. But for the 
happy turn of arms in the East^ and the full confi- 
dence of the nation in the power of Sir Robert Peel 
to avert the impending calamities^ his Cabinet must 
have succumbed under the heavy pressure of dangers 
at home and abroad. As it was^ however^ he felt 
himself strong enough to declare^ to the surprise 
of all^ at the very first sitting of Parliament^ 
which opened on the 3nd of February^ 1843^ that 
he had no intention of proposing any alterations 
in the internal or external legislation of the coun- 
try during that session; neither did he take any 
active part in the heated personal and virulent 



68 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

debates that ensued between Cobden and the Pro- 
tectionists. 

In the meanwhile the League agitation increased 
to an enormous extent^ and as far as influence went 
it was only exceeded^ if at all^ by that of the Irish 
repeal, though in indefatigable activity they were 
well balanced. 

The session thus passed away in almost idle talk 
and bitter invectives^ and in some measure in the 
long and serious discussions in both Houses concern- 
ing the proclamation of the Governor- General of the 
East Indies^ Lord EUenborough^ respecting the gates 
of the temple of Somnauth^ which some fanatical 
members considered as an encouragement to Pa- 
ganism. Neither was this religious fanaticism less 
manifest in the plans of national education^ which 
Lord Ashley wanted to confide to the High Church 
clergy^ though the bill, which found many supporters^ 
miscarried in both Houses. 

Let us return to the Irish affairs. At the be- 
ginning of this year the agitations in Ireland 
had assumed such a formidable character^ that the 
Government was obliged to bring in a bill on the use 
of firearms in that country^ which, in spite of the 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 69 

opposition of the Irish members^ passed both Houses. 
Indeed^, the banner of moral force, which O^Connell 
liad unfurled,, was about to give way to physical force 
by the impetuosity of theraasses. It is impossible to 
say whether O^Connell did not from the first specu- 
late upon physical display to intimidate Parliament 
into concessions ; but^ if such were really the case^ 
it was passing strange to see thousands of people^ 
whO; at the mere call of that arch agitator^ flocked 
together from all parts of Ireland to listen to speeches 
calculated to inflame their hearts and minds — it was 
passing strange to see them^ at the breaking up of 
those monster meetings^ return home in peace atid 
order more like well- disciplined troops than a multi- 
tude bent upon practical mischief. It would appear 
that O^ConnelFs intention was to organise the coun- 
try into a sort of military landwehr. Whether he 
actually promised himself a direct result from these 
demonstrations^ or used them merely as a vehicle for 
more indirect purposes^ who can decide with a man 
placed as he was in such peculiar circumstances ? 
Could a man of his penetration have been really in 
earnest when he said^ at one of these monster meet- 
ings^ that the Queen need only avail herself of her 



70 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

prerogative to give to Ireland a Parliament of her 
own^ and tlius settle the whole business at once ? 
Could a man of his sagacixy and experience really 
have thought such a thing feasible in the present age ? 
Or was he^ with all his craft and cunnings not free 
himself from fanatical chimeras ? 

The Government had already^ in 1843^ increased 
the number of troops in Ireland^ and removed all the 
justices of the peace who had taken part in the agita- 
tion. O^Connell announced^ with unusual parade^, 
that a general meeting would be held on the 8th of 
October^ at Clontarf near Dublin. On the 7th the 
Government issued a proclamation against the meet- 
ing being held^ in consequence of which O^Connell 
postponed it. The military^ however^ were stationed 
on the spot on the succeeding day^ to keep in order 
the vast assemblage of people^ who^ being misin- 
formed^ flocked to the place. Six days afterwards^ 
O' Connelly together with his influential adherents, 
were arrested and accused of high treason. The 
details of the law suit do not belong to our history, 
and we will only observe that, notwithstanding all 
the subtle means employed to prolong the case, he 
was found guilty and condemned, but was soon after 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 71 

released by the House of Lords_, on account of some 
teclinical informalities in the proceedings. This 
single blow seems to have at once put a stop to the 
whole agitation. O^ Connellys power was destroyed^ 
his energies paralysed^ and those who afterwards 
followed in his footsteps were but mere caricatures 
of the great agitator^ and have only given the coup cle 
grace to the Repeal agitation. 

Long before the final conclusion of O^ConnelFs case^ 
prolix debates on the Irish affairs had taken place in 
both Houses^ in which the Irish members and even 
O^Connell himself took part. A spirit of mildness^ 
if not of conciliation^ now pervaded the tenor of the 
debates ; there was no cry of triumph on the part of 
the Ministers^ nor of revenge on the part of the 
Irish members^ and O^Connell spoke only of recon- 
ciliation between kindred nations. The Govern- 
ment met him half way^ and measures were pro- 
posed to extend the elective franchise and reform 
the administration of the charitable institutions 
in Ireland^ to apppoint henceforth officers from 
both sects of the community instead of, as hitherto, 
only from the Protestant. Another measure was to 
abolish a number of penal laws against the Irish 



72 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Catholics^ whicli, though they were no longer of 
practical effect^ were at least theoretically existing 
amongst the laws of the land. 

The important and comprehensive measure of the 
Peel Cabinet^ in the session of 1844^ was the reform 
of the Banking system. The charter of the Bank of 
England requiring a renewal that year^ Sir Eobert 
took the opportunity of giving it a new aspect. As 
early as 1819 he had carried a measure against the 
excessive issue of paper money^ and he now completed 
the system by the introduction of a new law. The 
basis of the new plan was a fixed proportion between 
the issue of paper and the funds in hand ; he declared 
that experience had' shown that there was no gua- 
rantee against the excessive circulation of the paper 
currency, in the mere possibility of exchanging it 
for silver. He therefore proposed to divide the bank 
into two separate departments^ — one for the issue of 
bank notes^ and the other for the general business ; 
and also^ that each should publish a weekly summary 
of its transactions. This plan^ which after much 
opposition became law^ notwithstanding all the pre- 
dictions as to its fatal results in time of a commer- 
cial crisis, has proved beneficial to the country at 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 73 

large^ simply because an assimilation was thereby 
created between the money transactions of the State 
and those of a private merchant. 

Also the sugar bill_, Avhich raised the duty on sugar 
of slave labour on the one hand^ and lowered that of 
free labour from our colonies on the other^ was of 
considerable influence on the position of the re- 
spective parties in the House. Lord John Eusseli 
had so far advanced in Free Trade views^ that he 
himself did not hesitate to move for the admission of 
slave-labour sugar at the same rates as free-labour 
sugar^ in apparent contradiction to the great measure 
of the Melbourne Cabinet^ as well as to the great 
horror of the pious folk of Great Britain^ while this 
half measure of Sir Robert PeeFs was generally 
viewed as a step taken towards Free Trade. 

During the session^ the opening of some private 
letters by the postmaster general at the instruction 
of Sir James Graham^ caused great excitement in 
the country^ and though it led to no particular result 
in Parliament^ it being founded on some old laws 
authorising in particular cases such violation of letter- 
secrets^ it practically put a stop to any further at- 
tempt of the kind. 



74 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Thus the year 1844 was one of progress and pa- 
cific development^ although the country had been 
violently agitated at home^ and menaced by hostile 
attitudes abroad. The dispute with France^ relating 
to the occupation of some of the South- Sea Islands^ 
was satisfactorily settled by Lord Aberdeen^ and 
the friendly relations between the two courts were 
strengthened by the personal visits which the Sove- 
reigns interchanged in the course of the year. The 
Emperor of Russia also made an unexpected visit to 
England^ which remained without any political result^ 
though he may have had some political motive (the 
division of Turkey) in view. New and more impor- 
tant steps of reform in the customs and financial 
departments were eagerly looked for in the coming 
session of 1845^ and with them also a remedy for the 
evils in Ireland. 



75 



CHAP. IX. 

THE MATXOOTH BILL, AND PEEL's EEFOEM OF THE CUSTOMS 
TAEIFF IN THE SESSION OF 1845. 



The year 1845 opened under the most favourable 
auspices : an abundant harvest, a return of pubHc 
confidence^ and the beneficial results of the new cus- 
toms measures to trade and commerce. These^ on the 
other hand^ had stimulated the most gigantic enter- 
prises in railways^ which afterwards led to great 
catastrophes. Parhament was opened on the 4th of 
February^ and the Address from the Throne contained 
two points of considerable importance — the renewal 
of the income tax, and the provision of more ample 
means for academical education in Ireland. Public 
opinion, however, had found means of guessing the 
proposal of the latter measure, before the opening 
of Parhament, by the withdrawal of Mr. Gladstone 

E 3 



76 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

from the Cabinet^ a man who was well known to 
be in favour of high church principles^ if not even 
Puseyism. He afterwards admitted in the House 
that he was compelled to the step by the resolve of 
the Ministers to move for a more extended grant for 
the support of the Maynooth College. This was the 
only Catholic institution that received support from 
the State. It was founded in 1795 by the Irish 
Parliament^ for the purpose of p]^oviding the Irish 
church with native priests^ instead of importing them 
as heretofore from abroad. But the means allowed 
were too slender for the accomplishment of the object, 
and vastly contrasted with the luxurious wealth of 
the English universities. The Irish grant was, 
moreover, subject to an annual vote of renewal, 
which furnished ample scope for attacks on the Irish 
Catholics. 

On the 5th April, Sir Robert Peel introduced the 
Maynooth bill, by which an annual grant was pro- 
vided for that college. The excitement caused by the 
introduction of this measure almost passes description ; 
high churchmen and dissenters, more especially the 
Wesleyans, one and all raised the cry of alarm at the 
wickedness of the Ministers. 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 77 

The dissenters had now forgotten the hardships 
that they had themselves endured from the esta- 
bHshed churchy and Sir Robert Peel^ who^ so long as 
he acted in the Opposition, had never hesitated to 
make bigotry the organ of his purposes^ may here 
have witnessed the fruit of his own example of fan- 
ning instead of stifling fanaticism for party purposes. 
Macaulay was not wrongs therefore^ when he after- 
wards said^ in supporting the measure^ ^^ Neither can 
I say that the right hon. Baronet does not deserve 
reproach from those who^ despite bitter experience^ 
have raised him to power for the second time to be 
for the second time again deceived in him — nor can 
I deny that it has always been the way of the right 
hon. Baronet to avail himself as leader of the Opposi- 
tion of passions for which he has no sympathy^ or of 
prejudices for which he entertained the profoundest 
contempt.^^ At Exeter Hall a sort of national 
assembly was convoked^ and the public press^ with 
a few exceptions^ teemed with articles on ^^ No 
popery/^ whilst a deluge of petitions^ signed by more 
than three millions of the population^ were prepared 
for presentation to Parliament. 

It may appear strange that the dissenters^ who had 



78 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

themselves smarted under political and civil disabili- 
ties^ should have joined in opposing the public grants 
but we must not forget that apart from hostile feeling 
against the Catholic religion generally — a feeling that 
seems to be innate in all true Protestants — there was 
a great number who deprecated public or State sup- 
port of any church whatever^ — who were advocating 
the voluntary system as a general principle in church 
affairs^ and were continually referring to that system 
which is also adopted by the people in the United 
States^ in whom nobody can deny a true and orthodox 
sense of religion. There was also another party who 
preferred drawing the proposed grant from the vast 
revenues of the established churchy instead of from 
the public exchequer. 

By the bill introduced by Sir Robert Peel^ a sum of 
<£^30^000 was asked for the erection of a building, as 
also an annual grant of <£26^360 for the support of 
the college. It was at once opposed by the high 
Tory party^ headed by Sir Robert H. luglis, the 
representative of the University of Oxford. On the 
other hand^ the Whigs and the greatest number of 
the Radicals were for the bill^ and even Gladstone 
had now found reasons in his capacity as a single 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 79 

member of the House to give his support to the bill. 
It was at last carried in the lower House by 317 
against 184 votes^ and in the upper House by 181 
against 50; although some of the bishops insisted 
upon a previous investigation as to the doctrines 
taught at Maynooth, to ascertain whether they Vi ere 
not identical with those of the Jesuits and with 
others propagated by the church of Rome against the 
legitimate principles of the English monarchy. 

Side by side with this bill was another^ introduced 
by Sir James Graham^ to establish three seminaries in 
dijfferent parts of Ireland (the souths west^ and north) . 
In these schools^ to which the youth of all sects were 
to have free access, no theology^ but exclusively 
useful and practical knowledge was to be taught. 
^^Never/^ exclaimed Sir Robert Inglis^ ^^was there 
heard before^, such a gigantic system of ungodly edu- 
cation in any country of Europe.^^ It is true that the 
exclusion of religious education was objected to by 
the two extreme parties^ the orthodox Protestants on 
the one hand^ and the Catholics on the other^ both 
parties wishing to introduce religious instruction 
agreeable to their respective creeds. The bill passed^ 
nevertheless^ both Houses in its original form^ after 



80 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

lengthy discussions and various attempts at amend- 
ments. 

We have dwelt at some length upon this subject^ 
because it forms an important section in the new- 
relation between England and Ireland, as well as in 
the relative position of the parties in Parliament. 
With the comprehensive support then granted to 
Catholic Ireland, England renounced her last claim 
to an established church in that island, and she 
thereby ceased to be a Protestant country in effect 
and character. The high Tory party found in this 
bill an additional cause to suspect the intentions and 
even to oppose the measures of the man whom they 
had not only chosen for their leader, but had also 
raised to one of the highest powers in the State. 
He was the Saturn of mythology who swallowed his 
own offspring. 

We now return to the great material questions by 
which PeePs Administration was particularly cha- 
racterised. Already on the I4th February, immedi- 
ately after the opening of Parliament, Peel laid before 
the House his budget and financial schemes for the 
year. In consequence of the operation of the income 
tax, there was an excess of revenue over expenditure 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 81 

by about three millions and a half, and he anticipated 
a still larger excess at the close of the year ; but the 
increased expenses of the army and navy^ and the 
measures for the reduction of the Customs TariiT^ 
rendered it necessary to prolong the Income Tax for 
another term of three years. Beside the reductions 
in the sugar duty, (an article, by the bye, on which 
experiments were made from year to year,) he pro- 
posed to simplify the tariff, by admitting 430 articles, 
mostly raw materials, free of duty, out of the 813 
contained in the tariflF, and to abolish moreover the 
duty on all exports, as also the excise duty on glass. 
He calculated the loss on sugar at . £1,300,000 
On other articles .... 1,000,000 

On Exports 120,000 

Glass duty 642,000 

J3,062,000 
or three millions in round numbers, a sum that would 
nearly absorb or balance the surplus of revenue for 
the coming year. 

Of all these proposals none met with more opposi- 
tion than the renewal of the Income Tax. This tax 
having been originally introduced in time of war, was 
viewed by the people as a war tax, and one which 

E 3 



83 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

ought not to be imposed in time of peace^ and it was 
only owing to the critical state of the finances that 
Parliament and the people consented to the burden 
in 1842 to last for three years (till 1845) . No sooner, 
therefore, had Sir Robert proposed its renewal, than 
the rumour spread, that it was meant to be perma- 
nent. Neither were the proposed reductions in the 
tariff calculated to give complete satisfaction to either 
party. The landed interest considered them as a 
boon intended for the manufacturers, whilst the free 
traders thought them far too short of what they ex- 
pected. The Whigs and Radicals, however, again 
supported the Minister, and enabled him to carry his 
measures through both Houses. 

Whilst Peel was thus advancing on the way he had 
paved for the establishment of a new system in com- 
merce and finance, the leaders of the Anti- Corn-Law 
League daily grew stronger in their determinations 
and labours to eradicate the corn monopoly by any 
means in their power. The extent of their power 
and influence, as well as the means at their disposal 
at that time, borders almost on the fictitious. Hun- 
dreds of thousands of pounds were in their exchequer, 
by means of which they put in motion the Press and 



ExYGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 83 

other moral organs. New periodicals were esta- 
blislied_, pamphlets in countless numbers distributed 
throughout the country_, and open air meetings held 
two or three times a week. Neither were the leaders 
remiss in working upon the minds of the farmers 
themselves^ showing them by force of reasoning the 
injurious effects of the Corn Laws upon their own 
interests. Missionaries in the guise of lecturers on 
political economy were sent about to preach and 
enlighten the masses on the scientific principles of 
Free Trade. 

Another contrivance consisted in the purchase of 
houses and land^ the payment of taxes on which 
entitled the owners to the elective right. By these 
moral and physical means the League had grown to 
a power of vast influence^ not only on the public 
mind but also on the public press and public journals^ 
which one after another became converts to the prin- 
ciple. It was in Parliament alone that the majority 
still adhered to the Corn Laws; neither was there 
much prospect of converting that majority^ as interest 
and prejudice went hand in hand in favour of these 
laws^ though it cannot be denied that Villiers^ annual 
motion had by this time increased the minority for 



84 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

the abolition of the Corn Laws to 132 (against 254) _, 
while Cobden^s motion for the appointment of a 
committee on the subject had likewise increased the 
minority to 121 (against 213)^ and it was clear^ there- 
fore^ that the principle had gained ground in the 
House^ though not to that extent as to command a 
majority. Indeed, the results of PeeFs measures 
could not fail to gain adherents to the cause of Free 
trade, trade and commerce, as well as the finances of 
the country, having assumed a more promising and 
secure aspect ever since the adoption of these liberal 
measures, notwithstanding the recency of their date. 

By way of contrast, we here mention the fate of 
another of O^Conneirs agitations. O^ConneU still 
held large Repeal meetings, but neither he nor his 
audience possessed the self-confidence of former 
times, and although he exhausted himself in violent 
^ia^ri^e^ against the ^^ wicked ^^ Co/fe^e bill, and stiU 
announced the Eepeal as a fast approaching event, it 
was evident that his party, once so strong and daring, 
was now in the last days of its existence, and that 
its enfeebled actions were but the flickerings of an 
expiring Same. 

Among the measures of minor import, but which 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 85 

are nevertlieless indicative of the progress of Libe- 
ralism generally^ we may notice the bill introduced 
by Peel for enabling the Jews to hold civic functions^ 
though, as may be supposed^ it met with various 
difficulties in its progress. 

The Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of 
August by the Queen in person^ who immediately 
afterwards proceeded on a tour to France and Ger- 
many. 



86 



CHAP, X. 

THE CIBINET CEISIS AT THE CLOSE OF 1845. 



In the autumn of 1845 it was ascertained beyond all 
doubt tbat the principal food of the working classes^ 
especially in Ireland^ had been totally destroyed by 
disease^ and that the country was in consequence 
about to be visited by a famine of the worst cha- 
racter. This gave a fresh impulse to the League 
agitation^ whose leaders saw in the event a providen- 
tial summons for the total repeal of the Corn Laws. 
The Ministers^ and more especially Sir E. Peel^ 
could not conceal from themselves the dangers of 
the moment. Having possessed himself of all the 
information regarding the state of the harvest^ the 
existing stocks on hand^ and the prospects of import 
from abroad^ he was enabled to lay before his col- 
leagues comdncing proofs of the necessity of taking 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 87 

immediate steps for the repeal of the Corn Laws. 
There were two ways before them of accomplishing 
the act : either to do it at once on their own responsi- 
bility, in the hope of afterwards obtaining an act of 
indemnity fi^om Parliament, or to convoke the latter 
immediately to decide on the question. Peel was in 
favour of the latter step, but the majority of the 
Cabinet could not come to an understanding. After 
frequent meetings, they resolved to appoint a com- 
mission to inquire into and report upon the state of 
the corn market. 

Whilst the Cabinet was thus losing time in delibe- 
rations, an impulse from without decided Sir R. Peel 
to take his resolution without further delay. Lord 
John Russell, who naturally watched the steps of the 
Ministers with considerable anxiety, if not jealousy, 
was probably not ignorant of the split in the Cabinet 
on the question at issue. Although previously in- 
clined to a fixed duty, he now issued a circular letter 
to his party and to the nation at large, in which he 
stated the necessity of convoking Parliament without 
delay, and urging them for the total repeal of the 
corn duties. The letter appeared in the public jour- 
nals, and was dated the 22nd of November; it was 



88 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

followed by others of a like nature from different 
Whig notabilities^ and at once determined the 
Premier to demand from his colleagues consent^ 
under the existing circumstances, for the immediate 
opening of all ports in the kingdom for the free ad- 
mission of foreign corn. Being met, however, with 
great resistance in the Cabinet, particularly from 
Lord Stanley (now Earl of Derby), rumours circu- 
lated in the public journals (in the Times as early as 
the 4th of December) that Sir R. Peel had tendered 
his resignation. On the 10th of December it was 
ascertained to be a fact. It seemed strange and in- 
credible, that a Ministry which enjoyed the fullest 
confidence of the House and the country, which grew 
more powerful every day, both at home and abroad^ 
by the brilliant effects of its sound and vigorous 
measures^ should at once become so weak as to find 
it expedient to tender its resignation, simply because 
the potato crop of the country was unpromising and 
diseased. No wonder, that far different and more 
weighty causes were at that time ascribed to such a 
catastrophe by the political wiseacres of the day; 
while in point of fact it plainly showed the shallow 
basis on which the whole Corn-Law system had rested. 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 89 

since a bad potato crop sufficed to compel the liead 
supporter of that rotten system to resign office, not- 
withstanding the power he had exercised with so 
much tact and success in all other respects. 

The task of forming a new Cabinet could fall on 
no one else but Lord John Russell, who, though but 
little inclined at first to undertake it, as instructed by 
the Queen, afterwards consented to do so on receiving 
the solemn promise of Sir R. Peel to support him in 
Parliament as regarded the corn question. As, how- 
ever, the promised support was strictly confined to 
the abolition of the Corn Laws, Lord John Russell, 
on second consideration, relinquished the task, aware 
that he could not reckon on a working majority in 
the House on other questions apart from the Corn 
Laws. Sir R. Peel was thereupon again summoned 
by the Queen to resume office, which he did, after 
having persuaded his colleagues to consent to the 
repeal. Lord Stanley was the only one who resisted, 
and, having in consequence resigned, his place was 
filled by Gladstone, who now re-entered the Cabinet 
under different prospects. 

It is not necessary to describe the boundless rage 
and passion of the old nobility and the Tories par 



90 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

excellence against Sir R. Peel. When the Whig 
journals first announced the strange intentions of the 
Cabinet^ the Tory organs treated the report as an 
bominable tissue of lies ; but no sooner did the ru- 
mour prove to be true^ than a general assault was 
made on Peel by the whole Tory press. Not only 
in the daily journals^ but also in pamphlets and 
at numerous meetings^ epithets were applied to 
him, too exaggerated^ at least as to PeePs motives, 
to be repeated here. Neither were they remiss in 
threats of punishing the political deserter, although 
they felt that their party was then too weak and dis- 
organised to think of forming a' new Cabinet of their 
own, should they even succeed in displacing the ex- 
isting one. The leadership of the Protection party 
now fell upon Lord George Bentinck, a man whose 
talents on the turf nobody would dispute, but who 
was then required to show that his Parliamentary 
powers were equal to the task he had undertaken. 

A considerable number of the old Tory party, 
however, remained true to Peel. They were so con- 
vinced of the correctness of his views and motives, of 
which he had given ample proof since 1840, that 
they still clung to him, though perhaps against their 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 91 

own inclinations. They were^ moreover^ fully aware 
that the fall of Peel would be followed by the old 
onfusion and embarrassments in and out of the 
country ; and they therefore declared that the ques- 
tion was an open one^ and had nothing whatever to 
do with party principles and spirit. 

That Sir Robert found support in the old Whig 
party need hardly be mentioned. They triumphantly 
exclaimed that the very principles which had hastened 
the fall of their own Ministry in 1841 were being 
adopted by the man who had caused its fall^ though 
it was clear that^ but for the fear of being reproached 
with inconsistency^ they would not have hesitated to 
join the Opposition and have revenge in their turn. 
But it was the League that celebrated the most com- 
plete victory. With the adoption of their principles,, 
their task, aim^ and object were achieved. It is true^ 
Cobden seemed rather dissatisfied with the incom- 
pleteness of the measure^ but he had reason to rejoice 
at heart at the good tidings. The sympathies of the 
nation at large were in harmony with those of Par- 
liament. The majority in the rural and agricultu:ral 
districts were against Peel^ whilst those in the larger 
commercial towns were for him ; what he lost on the 



92 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

one jhand in political connection was more than com- 
pensated by tlie support tie received from public 
opinion, while Cobden employed all Ms influence in 
favour of the measures^ and even threatened the re» 
nitent Lords with a democratic propaganda. 



93 



CHAP. XI. 

THE PASSING OF THE COEN BILL AND EESIGNATION OF THE 
PEEL CABINET IN JUNE^ 1846. 



Parliament was opened^ somewhat earlier than 
usual^ on the 19th of January. Immediately after 
the Address from the Throne^ in which suitable 
liberal measures were recommended in the commer- 
cial policy, explanatory speeches were made by Peel 
and RusseU, which were followed by skirmishing 
attacks from the Tory benches. On the 27th of 
January, Sir Robert explained his new propositions 
to a crowded House. Having admitted that his prin- 
ciples were for Free Trade, he declared that he wished 
to extend them to aU branches of commerce. Pro- 
visions of all kinds he proposed should be admitted 
free of duty ; corn should be subject to a low sliding 
scale for the next three years, and afterwards admitted 



94 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

at a nominal duty of one shilling per quarter. The 
farmers were^ in return^ to be released from some of 
their heavy taxes ; among these were the exemption 
from supporting the native poor vv^ho had absented 
themselves from their homes for a period of five 
years. He also proposed that power should be con- 
ceded to Government to grant loans for the improve- 
ment of native agriculture. 

On manufactures he proposed to lower the import 
duties by one half, with the exception of coarse arti- 
cles of wool; linen^ and cotton^ which he thought 
might be admitted free. He made^ he concluded^ 
these propositions without any hope or prospect of 
meeting with immediate reciprocity by foreign coun- 
trieS; but he was sure that the more illiberal foreign 
tariffs might remain^ the more would England^s in- 
dustry rise in profit and extent^ and by degrees 
induce also foreign Governments to adopt the sound 
principles of this nation. 

The first discussion on these propositions lasted 
twelve evenings j 103 members (48 for and 55 against) 
took share in the debates^ the nucleus of which^ as may 
be supposed; formed the corn question. Peculiar 
stress was laid by the opponents on the inconsistency 



ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 95 

of Sir Robert Peel. Long passages were quoted from 
his former speeches^ whicli were in contradiction with 
his present views and arguments ; but Peel^ as well as 
Graham^ at once blunted the edge of the attack by 
freely admitting their previous errors^ and their pre- 
sent readiness to make amends for the past. The 
result of the protracted struggle was^ that on a divi- 
sion the first reading of the bill was carried by a 
majority of 337 against 240 votes. The bill was then 
brought before a committee of the whole House. On 
the 2nd March^ Villiers^ amendment for the imme- 
diate and total abolition of the Corn Laws was nega- 
tived by 265 against 78 votes. Other amendments 
met with the same fate^ and the debates on the second 
reading of the bill were resumed on the 20th March. 
Lord G. Bentinck^ though the leader of the Protec- 
tion party^ and very shrewd in statistical calculations, 
was far from being a fluent speaker^ or even a close 
reasoner. The deficiency in that respect was made 
up by his political lieutenant^ D^ Israeli^ who^ having a 
personal grudge against Peel, apparently for having 
refused him an appointment under Government, now 
turned against him all the bitter invectives and sar- 
casms that personal hatred and vindictiveness could 



96 ENGLAND UNDER THE PRESENT REIGN. 

dictate. Peel^ however^ defended himself with all the 
energy of a man who was guided in his motives 
solely by the welfare of his country. ^^ Let it not be 
presumed/^ said he^ ' ^ that there was no need for such 
measures against the Irish famine. It is a mistake. 
Time will teach that these measures were not unne- 
cessary. But suppose even they were so^ it is my 
duty to guard a whole nation against the possible 
consequences of a famine and pestilence^ and under 
these circumstances the accusation does not touch me. 
Should I fall^ I shall have the satisfaction to think 
that I did not fall for having acted in a party spirit, — 
for having preferred party interests to the common 
interests of the country. I shall^, on the contrary, 
take with me the satisfaction that during my admi- 
nistration I have done all that tends to promote the 

welfare of England ^^ 

It is superfluous to enter into the details of the 
great parliamentary battle ; suffice it to say that in the 
progress of the debates, the Protection party were 
driven from position to position, though they availed 
themselves of every parliamentary latitude and for- 
mality to delay, if not frustrate, the passing of the 
bill. At one moment there seemed a probability of 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 97 

their forming a coalition with the Irish brigade^ who 
were greatly opposed to the coercive bill which the 
Government had introduced against Ireland^ but as 
the measure was founded on urgent necessity^ the 
parties could not come to an understandings and the 
Corn Bill was at last read the third time on the 16th 
May^ at four o^ clock in the mornings and transferred 
to the House of Lords. 

The Tariff Bill met with much less opposition^ 
which^ being simply a continuation of the former bill 
on the question of commercial policy^ passed the lower 
House on the 19th of May. 

In the upper House the Corn Bill was introduced 
on the 18th of May for the first reading by the Duke 
of Wellington^ and the second reading was fixed for 
the 25th by the Earl of Ripon^ the same who (by a 
singular coincidence) ^ when Mr. Robinson^ had intro- 
duced the Corn Bill in the lower House in 1815. As 
the bill more particularly affected the private interests 
of the Lords^ (their rental from the produce of the soil 
amounting to sixty millions sterling,) it may easily 
be imagined that the excitement produced there was 
even greater than in the lower House^ and it is 
doubtful whether the bill would have passed the 



98 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Lords_, had not the Duke of Wellington reminded 
them in plain terms that the upper House cannot 
maintain its ground in opposition to the other two 
branches of the Legislature^ who had already declared 
themselves in favour of the bill. Both bills^ the Corn 
and Tariflf, were at last consented to without any 
alterations. 

Peel thus accomplished what no other Minister in 
England could have succeeded in doing. Notwith- 
standing the vast obstacles thrown in his way^ and 
the deep-rooted traditional prejudices he had to over- 
come^ he finally succeeded in introducing measures 
calculated to raise and give a new direction to the in- 
dustrial and commercial powers of the State. But 
with the passing of these two important bills his own 
independent power was exhausted^ and his strength in 
the remaining measures of the session became a mere 
matter of party support and combination. His posi- 
tion was perfectly isolated. He had left his own 
party vrithout attaching himself to any other. He 
was still a Conservative without having the confi- 
dence of the Conservative party^ and he had passed 
Whig measures without belonging to the Whig party^ 
who were seeking to regain power,, which they now 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 99 

thought no difficult matter considering the dissen- 
sions in the Tory camp^ where nearly the whole 
phalanx was thirsting for revenge against the traitor 
Peel^ and besides even loudly announced their pre- 
ference of an open enemy^ a Whig Government^ to a 
treacherous friend^ a questionable Tory Administration. 
Some hesitation^ however^ still existed amongst the free 
traders^ who considered that Peel alone had the energy 
of carrying liberal measures far beyond the power or 
even the will of the Whig Government ; but^ having 
obtained the principal items of their claims^ they were 
rather indifferent as to the future Government of the 
country^ aware that without Peel the Protection party 
at least was too much broken ever again to aspire to 
power. 

In the Address from the Throne^ at the opening of 
the session^ Parliament was recommended to concert 
measures for the protection of life and property in 
Ireland. The sinking political agitation in that 
unhappy island had called forth a conspiracy amongst 
the peasantry, threatening death to the hard landlords 
and destruction to their lands. In the latter part of 
1845 these combinations, and their fatal results, had 
increased to an alarming extent. The coercive bill, 

r 2 



100 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

framed after tlie model of many previous ones^ hav- 
ing been introduced in tlie upper House^ passed in 
regular form. On its re-introduction into the lower 
House it met with unexpected obstacles. At the first 
reading O'Connell and his party opposed it as uncon- 
stitutional and even uncalled for^ the more especially 
as the Ministers had delayed its introduction for five 
months^ by which they clearly showed that neither was 
the state of Ireland so bad as to require extraordinary 
measures^ nor the Ministers in earnest as to the bill 
coming in force. There was indeed some truth in 
the argument, and more especially in the feeling 
abroad,, that^ having carried his principal measures, 
and conscious of the isolation of his position. Peel was 
anxious to bring his Government to an end, and that 
he had chosen the Irish bill as the most suitable 
instrument of political suicide. After long debates, 
the bill was lost at the second reading by a majority 
of 73 (292 against 219) , on the 25th of June, 1846, on 
the very same evening that the Corn BiU finally passed 
the upper House, and on the same day that the news 
arrived of the successful solution of the Oregon ques- 
tion in North America. 

On the 29th June, Sir Robert announced his 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 101 

resignation to the House^ declaring that it was not to 
the interest of the country that the Ministers should 
continue in oflBce after they were unable to carry their 
measures. He dwelt with some pride on the success 
of his administration since 1841^ and paid a high 
compliment to Cobden^s unadorned eloquence, to which 
he chiefly attributed his conversion to a liberal policy 
as regarded the repeal of the Corn Laws. ^^ I know/^ he 
concluded^ ^^ that my name will be held in abhorrence 
by all monopolists ; but it will^ on the other hand^ be 
remembered with kind sympathies by all those who 
earn their bread by the sweat of their brow^ when- 
ever they recruit their exhausted bodies by cheap and 
wholesome food.^^ 



102 



CHAP. XII. 

THE NEW WHIG CABINET UNDEE LOED JOHN EUSSELL, AND 
THE SOLUTION OF THE SUGAE QUESTION. 



The fall of tlie Peel Cabinet again brought the Whigs 
into power. The extraordinary circumstances under 
which these changes took place are certainly unpa- 
ralleled in parliamentary history. A Ministry re- 
signed after having achieved the most brilliant vic- 
tories^ simply because they failed to carry a measure 
of secondary importance. It was replaced by one 
possessing less popularity and energy^ and less con- 
fidence of Parliament. Sir Eobert had^ it is true^ 
smoothed the way for a Whig Government^ and 
removed the principal barriers that separated the 
two parties ; but as the opposing party consisted of 
various heterogeneous elements^ the composition of a 
new Cabinet could but be imperfect^ and little in 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 103 

unison witli the views of the ultra sections who sup- 
ported the Whigs when sitting on the Opposition 
benches. The new Ministry was thoroughly Whig 
in character, and even more aristocratic in its compo- 
sition than the ex-Tory one. Its leader was Lord 
John Russell ; Lord Lansdowne was President of the 
Council; Lord Palmerston^ Foreign Secretary; Sir 
George Grey^ Home Secretary ; Lord Grey^ Colonial 
Secretary; and Lord Minto^ Keeper of the Great 
Seal : the principal places being thus occupied by 
thorough Whigs of the old Aristocracy. Lord Pal- 
merston — even at that time the bete noire of conti- 
nental diplomatists,, and of the French Government in 
particular^ which had every reason to regret the change 
in that department — it was feared would not approve 
of the concessions which Lord Aberdeen had made^ 
both in the Slave and Otaheite questions^ for the sake 
of the enterde cordiale with Prance. The other mem- 
bers of the new Cabinet had also served under a Whig 
Ministry. Sir Charles Wood became Chancellor of 
the Exchequer ; Macaulay^ the Treasurer of the Navy ; 
Lord Morpeth^ President of Public Works ; Sir J. C. 
Hobhouse^ President of the Board of Control ; and 
LaboucherC; President of the Board of Trade. Lord 



104 ENGLAND DURTNG THE PRESENT REIGN. 

John Uussell had tried^ but without success^ to enlist 
in his Cabinet three influential members who had 
served under Peel — Lord Dalhousie,, Lord Lincoln 
(now Duke of Newcastle)^ and W. S. Herbert. The 
Duke of Wellington^, however^ was induced to retain 
his office as Commander-in-Chief. Complaints were 
made that no representative of Free Trade had a seat 
in the new Government ; though it was subsequently 
rumoured that a place had been ofl'ered to Cobden, 
who had declined accepting it on the plea of ill health 
— a fact that gained some weight from his soon 
afterwards proceeding on a tour on the Continent. 

It cannot be said that much was expected from the 
new Government by any party. The Protectionists 
saw in it an open enemy, and the Radicals a very 
doubtful friend. In an unguarded moment, Lord John 
Russell had, at an earlier period, designated the Re- 
form Bill as the ^^ corner stone of political reform in 
England ^^ — a phrase that was now constantly cast in 
his teeth. The aristocratic liberalism of the Whigs 
but little harmonised with the ultra views of men like 
Duncombe, Wakley, Bright^ and others^ nor even 
with the notions of the real Tory party, who con- 
sidered that the landed interest was also insufficiently 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 105 

represented^ whilst the commercial and industrial 
classes entertained very little confidence in a Whig 
Ministry, which never knew how to balance revenue 
with expenditure. All parties^ however^ promised to 
give the new Cabinet fair play^ and allow the Minis- 
ters to develop their views and intentions^ whilst Sir 
Robert Peel promised his support in all measures 
calculated to promote the public welfare generally. 

The foreign relations of the country possessed at 
that time a more peaceable aspect than the domestic. 
Sir E. Peel had already announced the satisfactory 
settlement of the protracted Oregon question before 
his resignation^ whilst the victories gained in the 
East by the British army had again restored the 
safety of our Indian possessions. Good understand- 
ing still prevailed with France; and it was with 
Brazil alone that difficulties^ relative to the slave 
trade, could not be surmounted. And though the 
home relations were not much disturbed by political 
causes, indications of a coming bad harvest once more 
cast gloomy shadows on the minds of the people^ 
more especially in Ireland^ where the Bepeal agitation 
still existed^ though to a much less degree than for- 
merly. O^ConnelPs partiality for the Whigs was 

r 3 



106 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

rekindled with their accession to power, and lie 
became now as distinguished for his modesty and 
moderation as he had previously been for his pre- 
sumption and impetuosity. Young Ireland, however^ 
grew dissatisfied with a leader who talked of moral 
instead of physical force^ who wanted to persuade 
instead of compel England to concessions^ and the 
young party at once enlisted under the leadership of 
Smith O^Brien^ who rendered himself so ridiculous 
during that session as to foreshadow his future lot in 
the succeeding one. 

One of the most important topics that awaited 
a final solution was the Sugar question. We have 
already mentioned that this question was replete with 
difficulties of various kinds. Some people were for 
the establishment of a diff'erential duty in favour of 
the West India planters^ others insisted on the abso- 
lute exclusion of Slave-labour sugar^ whilst the Free 
Traders claimed an equal rate of duty for both — in- 
dependent of Free-trade principles. They argued^ 
that the West India planters had already received 
ample indemnification for the emancipation of their 
slaves ; and as to the religious principle involved in 
the admission of Slave sugar^ if adopted^ they said 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 107 

it ought to be extended to Slave productions gene- 
rally^ — cotton not even excepted. Sir R. Peel seemed 
inclined to side with those who advocated the absolute 
prohibition of Slave sugar ; he did so less on religious 
than political grounds; he merely advocated the 
interests of our colonies. Lord J. Uussell laid his 
plan on the subject before the House on the 20tli of 
July^ by which the duty on Sugar generally^ was 
to be gradually lowered for five consecutive years. 
Many objections were^ of course^ taken by the differ- 
ent parties^ and more especially by Lord Gr. Bentinck^, 
on the part of the Protectionists. The bill^ however^ 
passed the House after much struggle^ in which Sir 
E;. Peel took considerable share, and declared that, 
perceiving the violent state of party spirit, he be- 
lieved it his duty to support the Government, al- 
though he did not agree with the principle involved 
in the bill. The Ministers thus succeeded in carrying 
their first measure. 



108 



CHAP. XIII. 

THE FAMINE IN lEELAND, AND PEOCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT 
TILL ITS DISSOLUTION IN 1847. 



What was to become of Ireland ? Political and 
agrarian agitations alternately ruffled the peace and 
impeded the prosperity of that unhappy country ; for 
no sooner had the political agitation somewhat abated 
than the latter broke out with alarming violence. In 
many parts of Ireland there was no safety^ either for 
person or property, and the evil was still further in- 
creased by the calamity of a famine. No efficient 
remedy could be devised for a country, the people of 
which did scarcely anything for their own material 
welfare by way of perseverance or industry. In the 
preceding year a vast number of agricultural labourers, 
who usually came to England at the harvest season 
for employment, remained at home, preferring, to the 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 109 

earnings of their own industry in England^ the re- 
ception of alms from the Government^ which then 
offered support to the Irish poor. On the Govern- 
ment now devolved the task, not only of devising 
measures for the security of person and property, but 
also of providing food for millions of people in Ire- 
land, who were again about to be visited by all the 
miseries attending famine and pestilence. It ap- 
peared improbable that the present Government would 
venture to propose a coercive measure, which had 
been the means of destroying the previous ; yet, to 
the surprise of all, Labouchere stated to the House, 
on the 7th of August, the intention of the Govern- 
ment to move for a provisional renewal of the Irish 
Arms Bill, by which, possession of fire-arms in Ireland 
was only allowed under certain limitations. Lord 
J. Russell, however, announced afterwards the deter- 
mination of the Government to leave out the most 
objectionable clauses in the bill, and the second 
reading was carried by 56 against 23 votes ; but, on 
the 17th of August, he suddenly declared that, in 
consequence of the opposition the bill had met with, 
and the absence of the important clauses, the vital 
elements of the bill, the Government thought fit to 



110 ENGLAND DURINO THE PRESENT REIGN. 

withdraw it for the present. This announcement 
was certainly not calculated to raise the firm charac- 
ter of the Ministry in public opinion. Thus no steps 
whatever were taken to restore public order in Ire- 
land^ though something was done to meet the evils of 
famine. 

A motion was brought in^ and carried^ by which the 
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was authorized to advance 
money in every county for the purpose of making 
roads and erecting public buildings^ in order to give 
employment to the distressed masses. This measure^ 
however, did not in the least degree meet the exigen- 
cies of the case, and consequently remained without 
producing any benefit or effecting its purpose. 

The session closed on the 28th of August, 1846, 
and it certainly was one of the most important in the 
modern history of England. 

In the course of the summer, there was reason to 
fear that the potato disease had reappeared in the 
young crop, and to a greater extent even, than in 
the previous season, and consequently that suffering 
Ireland was again on the verge of a complete famine. 
But even imagination fell far short of the horrible 
reality. Where misery reigned in the preceding year. 



ENGLAND DURINGJi THE PRESENT REIGN. Ill 

now was absolute want; where there was before, 
scarcity^ there was now actual famine^ with its in- 
evitable attendants — pestilential and other contagious 
diseases. Suffering was still further increased by the 
sad state of agriculture in that country^ by the in- 
sufficient means of communication, by poverty and 
desolation^ which had for a long time prevailed 
there; and partly also by the want of economical 
care and providence on the part of the inhabitants 
themselves. With the increased misery^ the crimes 
against person and property also multiplied^ whilst 
the political agitators of physical force endeavoured 
to turn these very calamities to account^ to promote 
their own plans. The extent to which aid had been 
accorded by Parliament in the preceding year^ and 
the manner in which it was distributed^ were not 
calculated to meet the evil in an efficient way ; nay^ 
owing to a fatal peculiarity in the Irish character^ that 
succour even tended to increase instead of diminish- 
ing the evil. No sooner had the Government an- 
nounced employment in the public works^ than a 
great number of Irish labourers violated their private 
engagements and sought in the new works employ- 
ment^, causing thereby not only an increased cost to 



112 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

the Government,, but also a vast loss to the land- 
owners^ who were thus deprived of the necessary 
number of hands for agricultural purposes. It ap- 
pears that not only the common labourers, but in 
some cases even the small farmers themselves pre- 
ferred being employed in the public works to culti- 
vating their own lands. At the beginning of the year 
there were about 500,000 Irish poor employed on the 
public roads, at a cost of elevenpence a day, amount- 
ing to about eight millions and a half sterling a 
year. The number of applicants having vastly ex- 
ceeded the demand, the Government resolved to lend 
a part of the grant on security to private landowners, 
to enable them to employ some of the idle hands. 
Common misfortune brought about a reconciliation — 
which in better times seemed an impossibility — be- 
tween the Irish members of all colours in both 
Houses, and they united their efforts with those of 
other Irish landowners in assisting the Government 
to carry out the best means for averting the evil as 
much as possible. 

To convoke Parliament without delay, became a 
matter of urgent necessity, in order that comprehen- 
sive measures might be taken against the evils of a 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 113 

scarcity^ wMcL. were also manifesting themselves in 
England and Scotland. Parliament was accordingly 
opened on the 19th of January^ 1847 j and,, on the 21st 
of that months Lord J. Kussell submitted the inten- 
tions of the Government with respect to the bad state 
of the harvest. He proposed^ in the first place, a total 
suspension of the Corn and Navigation Laws till the 
1st of September, 1847 — a measure that was at once 
acceded to by the House. On the 25th of January he 
brought forward a series of resolutions for immediate 
relief in Ireland, as also for a steady improvement in 
her condition. To that effect, he proposed that cha- 
ritable committees should be established in every elec- 
tive district in Ireland, for the purchase of food and 
its distribution amongst the needy poor. The neces- 
sary funds were to be raised, partly from the public 
exchequer and partly by private subscription. By 
another resolution, the Government proposed to allow 
the loan, advanced to the landowners in the previous 
year, to stand over for the space of twenty-two years, 
during which time the half of the amount was to be 
repaid by instalments. In addition to the old loan, 
a fresh one, to the amount of j650,000, was to be 
advanced to them until December, 1847, for the pur- 



114 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

chase of seed; as also another <56l^OOO^OOO^ for the 
improvement and cultivation of waste lands ; in which 
latter case^ if the owners refused the terms^ the Go- 
vernment was to be entitled to buy up the lands for 
a certain price. The Irish Poor Laws were also to be 
modified^ and out-door relief introduced in the Unions. 
By another resolution^ the Government provided for 
facilitating the disposal of overburdened estates. All 
these proposals were assented to^ although several 
members^ and particularly Sir U. Peel, doubted the 
efficacy of some of them ; whilst the ultra- Irish party^ 
represented by Smith O^Brien^ laid the misery and 
famine of Ireland at the door of the Union^ and were 
loud in their demands for more extensive relief. 

An incident of a peculiar character roused the par- 
liamentary interest for the affairs of Ireland to a con- 
siderable degree. At the beginning of the session^ 
Lord G. Bentinck had submitted to Parliament a 
comprehensive plan in favour of Ireland^ in opposi- 
tion to that introduced by the Government. He 
wanted the Government to advance fifteen millions 
sterling for the construction of raikoads in that 
country^ by which means not only 100^000 poor 
would find employment, but also the foundation for 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 115 

the future prosperity of Ireland might be laid. Two 
sections of Parliament approved of the plan — the 
railway contractors^ with Mr. G. Hudson at their 
head (who probably suggested the scheme to the noble 
lord)^ and the Irish party, who generally agreed to 
anything that was to come from English pockets in 
favour of Ireland. The Ministers however stoutly 
resisted the scheme, and the second reading was ne- 
gatived by 322 against 118 votes. 

After the decided opposition which the scheme 
met with from the Ministers, it excited no small 
surprise, when, some time after, they proposed a 
measure exactly to the same purpose, though involv- 
ing a lesser sum than that of Lord Bentinck. The 
measure was nevertheless carried in both Houses, 
amidst the just complaints of Lord G. Bentinck, who 
claimed the parentage of it, while the incident in 
itself afforded another proof of the weakness which for 
years had characterised the Whig Administration. 

In taking a survey of what was done by England 
for her wretched and unhappy sister kingdom, Ire- 
land, during the years 1846 and 1847, it cannot be 
denied that there was on the one hand no lack of 
goodwill to afford proper relief to that suffering island. 



116 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

whilst it showed on the other^ how difficult it is to 
do so efficaciously after misery has been allowed to 
reach an extreme point. The position of Ireland, par- 
ticularly in 1847; was unworthy of a civilised country^ 
and had no paralled in the present day ; but it cer- 
tainly was also the turning point for a change for 
the better. Common misfortune united all parties, 
and taught them to respect man in man, whilst 
pressing necessity showed them that lasting support 
was only to be found in industry and in the improve- 
of the soil, to which, in less calamitous times, the 
Irish had never turned their attention. Ireland will 
henceforth see better days, traces of which are not 
wanting after even a short lapse of only five or six 
years. 

It must also be borne in mind, that the miseries 
under which Ireland groaned were not of a recent 
date, but originated early in the last century, when 
the means were withheld by which the dire calami- 
ties which at last visited her might perchance have 
been averted. 

The man who represented old Ireland, Daniel 
O^ConneU, terminated his earthly career in those 
troublous times. He was about to visit the Holy 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 117 

Fatlier at Rome^ but died at Genoa on his way 
thitlier. His body was brought to DubKn^ and in- 
terred in the presence of a mourning crowd. O^Con- 
nell had not escaped the common lot of all dis- 
tinguished characters — he was much beloved and 
much hated ; but even his bitterest enemies could not 
help admiring in him the active energy which led 
him on from stage to stage^ until he arrived at that 
point where the system of pacific agitation was no 
longer of avail with the masses^ to whose physical 
strength he had so often and so flatteringly alluded 
in his passionate harangues. His greatest fault was, 
no doubt, his egotism ; he could not endure a rival at 
his side, and would not have hesitated to annihilate 
any one who did not follow him with implicit obe- 
dience. He was doomed to see before his end a few 
ambitious heads wholly separating themselves from 
him, but there remained none after his death to 
carry on the work in the same sagacious manner in 
which he had begun it. 

It is a mistake to suppose that O^Connell enter- 
tained an irreconcilable hatred against England ; he 
had never ceased to regard her as his second father- 
land — as the land of his glory, of his intellectual ac- 



118 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

tivity. His partiality for England was only surpassed 
by his excessive love for his native home^ and many 
apparent contradictions in his life can only be recon- 
ciled by this double sympathy in his character. 

We must return to the political affairs of England. 
It was generally expected that the special measures 
for the relief of Ireland would be accompanied by 
some steps for still further facilitating the importa- 
tion of corn from abroad. These anticipations were 
realised : towards the end of January^ 1848^ all parties^ 
the Protectionists not even excepted^ consented to sus- 
pend for the present the Navigation Laws as regarded 
the importation of corn. This measm*e naturally 
afforded a fair opportunity to the Free-trade party to 
move for a select committee to consider the effects of 
those laws generally. The motion was agreed to^ and 
two years after^ the Navigation Laws, which were once 
regarded as the pillars of England's greatness^ were 
wholly repealed and abolished. 

As the Session was fast approaching its end, and 
the seven years of the existing Parliament were about 
to expire^ all parties abstained from broaching new 
political questions — all were preparing and looking 
forward to the coming elections. Neither were the 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 119 

subjects already before the House_, such as the limita- 
tion of labour hours in the manufactories^ the Public 
Education BiU^ &c.^ &c.^ brought to a final close that 
session^ despite the repeated discussions^ proposals^ and 
even enactments. Humane zeal^ added to a feeling 
of ill-will against the manufacturers^ had been the 
means of detecting flagrant abuses in the manu- 
factories and other estabhshments^ where the physical 
strength of the poor labourers had been taxed to a 
cruel extent. Due inquiries made in the coal and 
manufacturing districts led to the discovery that^ in 
consequence of overwork on the one hand^ and too 
low wages on the other^ not only powerful men and 
male adults met with untimely death or lingering 
illness_, but also women and children already bore the 
marks of early decay and emaciation — fatal in them- 
selves^ and transplanting sickly constitutions to fu- 
ture generations. But instead of seeking the causes 
of these abuses in the stern law which^ under the 
name of protection^ taxed labour and existence to the 
advantage of capital^, attempts were made to limit by 
law the labour of the working classes within certain 
hours of the day ; and the consequence was that this 
new interference in the liberty of labour proved not 



120 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

only unavailable^ but was even fraught with new 
evils. Indeed Sir R. Peel and the whole Free Trade 
party were decidedly against these encroachments^ on 
the part of Government^ in the sphere of labour; 
and it is well known^ that no sooner was Free Trade 
fully introduced^ than the improved condition of the 
labouring classes became manifest*. 

Public Education was another question beset with 
difficulties. In Germany^ and some other countries^ 
the School is entirely separated from the Church; 
each moves in a sphere of its own, without encroach- 
ing on the authority and teachings of the other ; but 
in orthodox England not only a close connection is 
thought to exist between the two institutions^ but 
a decided superiority is even conceded to the church 
over the school^ which latter^ it is believed^ ought to 
be exclusively conducted by churchmen, and in which 
religion should form the chief branch of education. 
All proposals of Government to separate the two 
branches, and not restrict the pupils to religious in- 
struction in strict harmony with the doctrines of the 
established church, had always been met with the 

* Vide Appendix — Paupees. 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 121 

most determined opposition by the orthodox parties in 
the country. Nevertheless^ since 1833^ several schools 
had been opened by way of experiment^ where re- 
ligious instruction was invested with a more general 
character^ and could therefore be enjoyed indiscrimi- 
nately by all Christian sects. But as the Catholics ob- 
jected to the use of the authorised version of the Bible^ 
their youth were excluded from religious instruc- 
tion^ and the consequence was that these schools gra- 
dually fell under the control of the established church. 

In 1847 the Government proposed the establish- 
ment of a Normal school for the instruction of 
teachers. After many debates, in which the dis- 
senters complained of the partiality shown by the 
State in the management of public schools^ the bill 
passed both Houses in its essential points. 

Less difficult in principle, though equally exposed 
to attacks and criticisms, was the bill for the erection 
of a bishopric at Manchester. It had long since been 
in contemplation to separate that diocese from that of 
Durham, Manchester having become of late the cen- 
tral point of the wealthy and populous manufacturing 
towns. But in order to prevent an increase in the 
number of bishops in the upper House, it was at first 

G 



122 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

proposed to amalgamate the two bishoprics of St. 
Asaph and Bangor^ in Wales ; the proposal^ however^ 
having met with strenuous opposition, the Govern- 
ment at last resolved to erect a new bishopric at 
Manchester, but to withhold from the bishop a seat 
in the upper House until a vacancy had occurred in 
some other diocese (with the exception of those of 
Canterbury, York, London, Durham, and Winches- 
ter), when the same privilege was to be withheld 
from the successor to the vacant see, in favour of 
the Bishop of Manchester. This proposition was de- 
finitively called into force in 1847. 

Parliament was prorogued on the 23rd July, and 
immediately after, finally dissolved to make room for 
a new one. Its proceedings and enactments belong 
to the most remarkable section in English history. 
Elected for the purpose of preserving a rigid and 
restrictive principle in commerce, on which England 
had acted for centuries, it finished its course by 
adopting the very opposite maxims, and by sub- 
stituting different systems in trade, industry, and 
finance, whereby the entire aspect and character of 
England^s future career and prospects underwent a 
complete metamorphosis. 



123 



CHAP. XIV. 

THE GEEAT COMMEECIAL CEISIS IN 1847. — OPENING OF THE 
NEW PAELIAMENT. 



The new elections began under the most pressing 
circumstances. Independent of tlie Irish distress^ a 
monetary crisis manifested itself in England^ which 
put the whole of the commercial world in alarm and 
consternation. Much has been said and argued both 
in this country and abroad as to the causes of the 
crisis which so suddenly took place in 1847. We be- 
lieve that we shall not be mistaken when we look for 
them chiefly in the deficient corn harvests of the two 
preceding years. The immediate result of scarcity 
and dearness of provisions is invariably the observance 
of close economy^ and a consequent diminution in the 
consumption of those articles that do not strictly 
belong to the necessaries of life. A decreased de- 

G 2 



124 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

mand naturally produces a decreased supply^ and with 
it also a diminution in labour and employment. The 
reciprocal effect of demand and supply was particu- 
larly felt in the English foreign trade {vide Ee- 
souRCEs,, Table V.)^ the scarcity of 1847 having pre- 
vailed throughout the whole of Europe in an almost 
equal degree of severity. The evil was further aggra- 
vated by the drain of precious metal previously^ in 
railway enterprise at home^ and now in return for 
the vast imports of corn and other necessaries from 
abroad (for corn alone^ more than thirty millions 
sterling was sent abroad during this year)^ which 
also caused a rise in the price of the precious 
metal. In the midst of these large transactions in 
provisions and specie^ favourable prospects of the 
coming harvest proved fatal to the corn merchants^ 
who had hazarded too much in speculation. In 
April the Bank of England was under the neces- 
sity of raising the rate of discount in order to pre- 
vent a further drain. In August the first significant 
bankruptcies occurred. They were followed by a 
considerable number of others^ which dragged after 
them several private banks^ and the whole of the 
failures involved an amount of not less than thirteen 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 125 

millions sterling. Witli many of the fallen liouses^ 
and more especially with the colonial merchants^ pre- 
vious overtrading had considerably added to their 
present difficulties. On the other hand^ the opera- 
tions of the Bank of England were by no means 
calculated to remedy the evil. Instead of limiting 
the sphere of credit within its narrowest bounds^ she, 
on the contrary, extended it, in the month of Sep- 
tember, to such a degree, that before the lapse of 
another month she discovered to her great alarm 
that the credit had been abused for renewed and ha- 
zardous speculations. She now gave notice, that not 
only no further loans would be granted, but also that 
old bills when becoming due would no longer be re- 
newed. This operation had the desired effect, and 
the money market rose in consequence. On the 25th 
of October, the Bank resolved (with the consent of 
Government) to raise the rate of discount against the 
Bank Act of 1844 to eight per cent.; the result was 
that gold found its way back to the English market, 
and commercial relations gradually began to bear a 
more healthy character. 

That the Protectionists almost glorified in these 
commercial disasters may easily be imagined. They 



126 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

ascribed them to the adoption of Free Trade princi- 
ples^ which, led^ they said^ to over-tradings by which 
the balance between the imports and exports was 
destroyed,, and gold to a large amount sent abroad to 
cover the debt of some fifty or sixty millions ster- 
ling due to foreigners on account of the excess of 
imports over exports. There were not a few, how- 
ever, who attributed the great failures of the com- 
mercial crisis to PeeFs Bank Act of 1844. The Act, 
they said, prohibits the bank from issuing a larger 
amount of paper currency in time of need, when an 
increased circulation might have averted the com- 
mercial pressure. Later investigations have never- 
theless shown that the Act only accelerated but did 
not cause the complete failure of those insolvent 
merchants, who might perhaps have found some 
means to prolong their giddy existence for a while, — 
an existence that was perhaps more dangerous to the 
mercantile community than the losses accruing from 
an open bankruptcy. 

In Ireland misery had reached its climax. The 
most strenuous efforts, and the expenditure of enor- 
mous sums of money, did but little towards the al- 
leviation of the sufferings of a people who lay as 



ENGLAIS^D DURIjN^G THE PRESENT REIGN, 127 

helpless and prostrate as a bed-ridden invalid. Starva- 
tion and pestilence made immense ravages among 
the masses^ and wrought in some parts of the country 
a complete dissolution of society. The coercive bill 
of Peel having been negatived^ and the Arms Bill of 
Russell withdrawn^ there existed neither law nor 
power to check even in some slight degree the for- 
mation of secret conspiracies. In the counties of 
Clare, Limerick, and Tipperary a sort of Fehme (secret 
tribunals) were formed against the landowners. Mur- 
ders were committed in broad daylight, and the fear 
or sympathy inspired by the conspirators was so great 
that the perpetrators were rarely ever detected or 
brought to justice. Hundreds of families fled to 
England in order to save their lives ; nor were ex- 
cuses for, and even encouragement to, these violent 
deeds, wanting on the part of some of the Catholic 
clergy and the ultra patriots of Ireland. 

The result of the parliamentary elections was such 
as hardly to produce any change in the respective 
positions of the political parties. Macaulay, how- 
ever, was not re-elected, he being objected to by the 
orthodox Presbyterians of the city of Edinburgh for 
his having voted in favour of the Maynooth Bill. 



128 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

The enlightened citizens of London^ on the contrary^ 
tried to establish a new liberal principle by electing 
Baron Rothschild as one of their representatives in 
Parliament. The validity of the election is still ob- 
jected to on account of the form of oath required to 
be taken on admission to Parliament^ which closes 
with the words ^^ by the true faith of a Christian/^ 
a phrase which a Jew cannot pronounce^ and which 
cannot be removed from the body of the oath without 
a special Act of Parliament. 

The new Parliament was convoked for the 18th of 
November_, and having constituted itself in due form 
and re-elected the previous Speaker^ Shaw Lefe\Te_, 
to the chair^ it was opened by royal commission on 
the 23rd of the same month. As might be expected, 
the two important questions — the commercial crisis 
and the Irish aflfairs — were particularly recommended 
from the throne, and formed the principal topics of 
discussion during the short session. We need hardly 
characterise the tone of the ensuing debates. One 
party held the Government responsible for the misery 
existing in Ireland, whilst the other insisted on mea- 
sures for the improvement of commerce and the 
money market. The Bank Act of 1844 was attacked 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 129 

in SO violent a manner as to compel Sir Hobert Peel 
to address the House in a long speech in self-defence 
and in refutation of the reproaches bestowed on him 
for the enactment of the bill. The weakest part was 
played by the Protectionists^ and the loudest^ as 
usual, by the Irish members. 

On the 30th of November Sir C. Wood moved in 
the name of the Government for the appointment of 
a committee to inquire into the causes of the com- 
mercial crisis and the efl&ciency of the laws concerning 
the issue of paper currency. The same motion was 
repeated in the upper House by the Marquis of 
Lansdowne, and consented to by both Houses. 

To a Ministry who had come into power by their 
opposition to a bill proposing coercive laws in Ireland, 
the introduction on their part of a similar bill, though 
justified by circumstances, ought to have proved a 
very delicate if not dangerous proceeding. The Mi- 
nisters might be accused of either factious opposition 
or at least of gross inconsistency. Indeed, the fear 
of such an accusation was evident from the tenor of 
the new biU, which authorised the Lord Lieutenant 
of Ireland to exercise a discretionary control in some 
districts of that country with regard to the possession 

g3 



130 ENGLAND DUKING THE PRESENT llEIGN. 

of fire-arms by the inhabitants. The bill^ however^ 
passed both Houses^ and Parliament adjourned on 
the 20th of December^ 1847^ to meet again on the 4th 

of February, 1848. 



131 



CHAP. XV. 

THE AGITATIONS ON THE CONTINENT OF EUROPE. — THE MINIS- 
TERIAL PLAN CONCERNINa THE NAVIGATION LAWS IN THE 
FIRST MONTHS OF THE YEAR 1848. 



Although notWng positive had been done during the 
past short session^ public confidence was in some 
measure restored^ partly by the hope that the commit- 
tees of inquiry instituted during that session would 
recommend some salutary means for the alleviation of 
the commercial pressure^ and partly and especially by 
the cessation of the causes which had called forth the 
crisis. The only unpleasant question^ besides that of 
the Irish affairs^ was the uncertain state of relations 
with Prance^ on account of the so-called Spanish 
marriages, against which Lord Palmerston had pro- 
tested. At this time a letter which appeared in the 
public press from the Duke of Wellington^ on the 



132 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

necessity of fortifying our coast opposite to France^ 
caused^ as may be supposed^ no slight sensation in 
the public mind^ and nothing was talked of for a 
long time but the immediate invasion of England by 
a French army. The letter was characterised by 
well-informed persons as untimely, if not indiscreet, 
on the part of the Duke, more especially at a period 
when steam power had considerably diminished the 
protection of the coast. It called forth numerous re- 
plies and criticisms, whilst Cobden, who had placed 
himself at the head of the Radical party, insisted 
on a diminution of taxes and expenditure, and 
was loud in his attacks against the Duke in the 
House ; the letter, however, did not remain without 
some results, as will be seen hereafter. 

On the 18th of February Sir Charles Wood laid 
his budget before the House. He showed that, 
owing to the commercial difficulties of the past year, 
the public revenue had diminished in many items, 
and that a deficit of about one million sterling was 
the consequence. He also stated that he did not 
think it advisable to make any reduction in the 
expenditure, since such reduction would principally 
afifect the army and navy, which, considering the con- 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 133 

tinued armament on the part of the French^ he should 
not like to see in any degree weakened in force or 
extent ; but on the other hand that he thought it ex- 
pedient to raise the Income Tax from three to five per 
cent. The proposal was met with great disapproba- 
tion in the House^ whilst^ on its becoming generally- 
known^ a storm of indignation burst forth from the 
people. To assuage the public feeling in some degree, 
the Ministers, on the 21st of February, proposed to 
appoint a committee to inquire into the estimates of 
the army and navy, so that the House might have 
an opportunity of judging for itself whether it was 
possible to diminish the expenditure so as to bring 
it to balance with the income. After numerous de- 
bates, the proposal was accepted, and provision made 
for covering the current expenditure. 

The chief cause of the almost universal and unex- 
pected opposition lay no doubt in the unpopularity of 
the tax itself. However unavoidable direct taxation 
had become since the abandonment of indirect, the 
people of England were slow in becoming used to 
tlie change. The unequal distribution and collection 
of the Income Tax doubtless added to the people^s 
dislike of the tax ; neither were the times favourable 



134 ENGLAND DmiNG THE PRESENT REIGN. 

for an increase of the same. Nevertheless^ the at- 
tacks on the Government were not founded in justice^ 
nor would opposition have assumed that stern cha- 
racter^ had the existing Government enjoyed^, in 
financial matters^ the same confidence as did Sir R. 
Peel^ and had not Government moreover given en- 
couragement to attacks^ by the vacillating manner in 
which it attempted to remodel the tax. 

Whilst all parties were arraying themselves against 
the Ministers^ the news arrived of the outbreak of 
the February revolution in Paris. The first impres- 
sion created by this intelligence was in England, as 
throughout Europe, astonishment at the rapidity and 
comparative ease with which the July throne had 
been demolished. The royal family fled to England, 
and sought and found a refuge where some of their 
previous actions had left an unfavourable impression 
on the public mind. The new provisional Govern- 
ment was at once acknowledged by the English Go- 
vernment, who took frequent opportunities of show- 
ing its sympathy with the French nation at large. 
England at the same time did not refuse her hospita- 
ble soil to many other exiles who also took refuge on 
her shores from different parts of the continent. 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 135 

The Paris event, however, had no immediate effect 
upon England. All parties agreed that it would be 
far better to wait patiently for the issue, and watch 
the development of affairs in France. 

The rather confused notions of the Ministry in 
finance-affairs soon manifested themselves. On the 
28th of February the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
withdrew the bill for the increase of the Income Tax, 
without proposing any other measure for covering the 
deficiency. No sooner was the bill withdrawn than 
the objections to the tax generally multiplied, and pro- 
posals were made to remodel the principle in its mode 
of collection, to diminish the rate on trade, and in- 
crease it on landed property. The task of defending 
the existing principle devolved almost exclusively on 
Sir Robert Peel, whilst Lord Gr. Bentinck insisted even 
on abolishing the tax altogether, and on a recurrence 
to indirect taxation as the best means of obviating all 
diJQBculties. After much struggle, the renewal of the 
tax for three years longer passed both Houses. 

The first symptoms of the influence of the conti- 
nental agitations manifested themselves towards the 
end of March in two directions : in Ireland, and in 
England amongst the Chartists. Por some years past 



136 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

hardly anything had been heard of this latter party, 
although their views had been represented in Parlia- 
ment by Feargus O^ Connor (now confined in a 
lunatic asylum) . The re-introduction of the Social- 
ist theories in Paris inspired the Chartists with re- 
newed courage, notwithstanding the wide difference 
between their own views and those of the former. 
They now demanded with redoubled energy the grant- 
ing of the six points of the People^s Charter^ and called 
together meetings in all parts of the country for the 
purpose of preparing a giant petition to be presented 
to Parliament. The sympathy they evinced for the 
French Socialists, however, proved an obstacle in the 
way of arousing a like sympathy for themselves 
amongst the other classes of society, the E^adicals not 
even excepted. The pohce, therefore, had little diffi- 
culty in dispersing a large body of their supporters, 
who had met in London for the purpose^ as they 
alleged, of discussing the justice of the Income Tax, as 
also in quelling the first attempts at disturbances in 
the north of England and in Scotland. 

More danger, however, was apprehended when the 
Chartists announced their intention of presenting to 
Parliament, on the 10th of April, a petition purported 



ENGLAND DUUING THE PRESENT REIGN, 137 

to bear more than five millions of signatures^ accom- 
panied by thousands of people, with their leaders at 
the head, who for that purpose had called together a 
large meeting to be held on that day at Kennington- 
common, near London. Since the days when Lord 
Gordon paraded the streets of the metropolis with his 
fanatical party, London had not been threatened with 
greater danger than by the proposed march of the 
Chartists, who it was feared would repeat here the 
late scenes of Vienna and Berlin. 

On the 6th of April the procession which was to 
join the meeting, and probably meant to intimidate 
the people and Parliament, was forbidden to take 
place, whilst the utmost means were taken by Go- 
vernment to guard against any disturbance. The 
whole way from Kennington-common to the House of 
Commons was almost barricaded, the military was kept 
on the alert, and most of the public buildings, more 
especially the Bank of England, were surrounded by 
protective inclosures and occupied by troops. 

More than 150,000 inhabitants of London were 
sworn in as special constables and provided with 
police stag's. The consequence was, that although 
the meeting was held and the petition presented to 



138 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

the House in due form^ the attempted movement 
passed off harmlessly^ and the crowds dispersed and 
quietly returned to their homes without having pro- 
voked any breach of the peace. 

At a subsequent examination of the petition, it was 
found that the number of signatures did not exceed 
two millions, and that amongst them many fictitious 
and even obscene names had been inserted. 

The Government now thought of modifying the old 
insurrection laws— of framing them more in accord- 
ance with the spirit of the age. They had particularly 
Ireland in view, where, since the death of O'Connell, 
the physical party alone had "kept the field. At the 
head of that party stood Smith O^Brien, who was 
both morally and intellectually unfit for such leader- 
ship. He was not only by birth a Protestant, but 
was by repute even a deist, whilst his predecessor 
O^Connell, in showing himself devout and pious even 
to bigotry, had secured to himself the friendship of 
the Catholic priesthood in Ireland. Smith O^Brien^s 
adherents, however, were not few in number; the 
people, kept for years in suspense by mere promises, 
decimated by hunger and misery, and systematically 
taught to hate the Saxon, blindly followed the vio- 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 139 

lence of the new agitator. Shortly after the Fe- 
bruary revolution^ the latter, accompanied by a few 
friends^ went to Paris to establish a connection with 
the French Government against England^ but they 
were obliged to content themselves with one of the 
many specious speeches of Lamartine. 

Returned home^ Smith O^Brien began to carry on 
his agitation on a larger scale^ and the language of 
the organs of his party became more bold and violent 
from day to day. They not only clamoured openly and 
loudly for the repeal of the union^ but for a complete 
separation from England. Though not so favourably 
placed as was once O^Connell^ Smith O^Brien might 
have given great trouble to the English Government. 
In the United States^ sympathy for Ireland was uni- 
versally manifested^ whilst an open outbreak in the 
latter island mighty perhaps^ have induced France not 
to remain a quiet spectator. However, whether it 
arose from indecision or incapacity, Smith O^Brien 
tried the last chance after all was lost. The Govern- 
ment was allowed not only to introduce exceptional 
laws for Ireland, but to adopt the most comprehensive 
steps for military interference in case of an outbreak. 
Smith O'Brien had calculated on the support of the 



140 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

English Radicals^ and the defection of. the English 
troops, but the serious attitude assumed by the Go- 
vernment^ prevented the movement from ripening 
into an organisation^ and a few skirmishes with the 
police towards the end of July brought the whole 
affair to a final termination. Nearly all the ring- 
leaders were arrested^ tried^ judged, and transported 
beyond the seas. 

Thus England escaped this great threatened danger 
also, almost without bloodshed, owing to a firm and 
timely resolution on the part of the Government. The 
questions remaining to be solved were purely of a par- 
liamentary character. We have already touched upon 
the unsatisfactory aspect of the finances of the country, 
and the attacks to which the Ministers had exposed 
themselves in connection with them. The appoint- 
ment of a finance committee led to no result, and the 
Ministers, as before mentioned, were obliged to declare 
their intention of not pressing for an increased rate 
of the Income Tax. It was, indeed, a very hazardous 
experiment, considering the state of affairs. But if 
no increase was to be made in the tax, how was the 
balance to be restored between the revenue and the 
expenditure? There was a clear deficiency of one 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 141 

miUion sterlings which could not be covered even by 
an attempt to diminish the estimates in some of the 
items of expenditure. How was the riddle to be 
solved ? 

On the 25th of August^ the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer explained the way in which the Government 
meant to restore the balance in the Exchequer. It 
was intended^, he said^ to diminish the army and 
navy estimates by =£820^000^ whilst he expected an 
increase in some of the sources of revenue^ which^ 
added to the Chinese war contribution of £800,000, 
would nearly cover the deficit. On the other hand, 
he continued, additional expenses would be in- 
curred in the course of the coming year, by which 
the deficit would be swelled to more than two 
millions, which the Government proposed to cover 
by a loan to that amount. In extenuation of the 
state of the finances, Sir Charles Wood attributed 
the deficiency to the unsettled state of Europe, by 
which English commerce had suffered to a certain 
extent. Much objection was raised, especially by the 
financial reformers, to the project of increasing the 
National Debt, but as there remained no other way of 
surmounting the difficulty, the proposal was at last 



142 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

agreed to. We must resign the task of entering into 
tlie prolix debates relating to the West India colonies^ 
now the annual stereotyped subject of dispute between 
the various parties. Protectionists and over-pious 
zealots^ financiers and Free Traders^ combated regu- 
larly pele mele with each other. This combination 
of various interests rendered the subject dangerous 
for the Ministers to enter into. By the support of 
Sir Eobert Peel the Ministers^ however^ again escaped 
a defeat. 

Par more important were the proposals first made 
in 1848 for the repeal of the Navigation Laws. The 
committee which had been appointed by the House in 
the previous year had made its report in due course, 
which report showed the injurious effects of those 
laws on British trade and shipping. The Irish aff'airs 
and the finance measures had consumed more than 
half the usual duration of a parliamentary session 
before the Navigation Laws were brought under dis- 
cussion in the House, and after lengthy debates the 
bill was read the first time, the advanced season pre- 
venting its further progress that year. Parliament 
was prorogued on the 5th of September. 



143 



CHAP. XVI. 

THE PAELIAMENT OF 1849. — THE REPEAL OF THE NAVIGATI0J5 
LAWS. 



Parliament was opened by the Queen in person^ on 
the 1st of February^ 1849^ recommending in the 
Address from the Throne the termination of the 
parliamentary proceedings concerning the Naviga- 
tion Laws^ which indeed formed the pathos of the 
whole session. The Protection party^ led by Lord 
Stanley (now Earl of Derby) ^ and D^Israeli (Lord 
G. Bentinck having died in the month of September 
preceding)^ immediately, in the reply to the Address, 
opposed the repeal of the Laws as likely to inflict in- 
juries on the landed and shipping interests of the 
country. There was no lack of talent in the opposi- 
tion party. Lord Stanley, in the upper House, was 
a sharp and energetic speaker, whilst D^ Israeli, in the 



144 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

lower House^ developed so mucli spirit^ zeal, and par- 
liamentary generalship, that he more than fully sup- 
plied the place of the late Lord G. Bentinck. Their 
adherents consisted of the wealthiest squires and 
farmers of the country. On the 12th of February, 
1849, Labouchere (President of the Board of Trade) 
moved for the second reading of the bill for the repeal 
of the Navigation Laws, and on the 14th, the House 
resolved itself into a committee on the subject. The 
Press and the five volumes of the Report of the com- 
mittee had already enlightened the people on the in- 
jurious effects of these Laws. The fruits of Free Trade 
and the repeal of the Corn Laws had been identified 
with the big and cheap loaf, while the reform pro- 
gress of Peel's period was yet too fresh in the memory 
of all Englishmen to leave any doubt as to the suc- 
cess of the bill. Landowners, farmers, ship-builders, 
ship captains, and hired sailors, made, it is true, a 
great demonstration throughout the country, hold- 
ing imposing meetings, at which the Duke of Rich- 
mond, G. F. Young, D^Israeli, and Lord Stanley 
shone as zealous patriots and speakers, and where 
D^Israeli especially, exhausted his wit to sketch in the 
blackest colours Peel and his measures. All, however. 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 145 

was of no avail. On tlie 8tli of March^ D^Israeli 
moved for compensation to the farmers^ whicli demand 
lie afterwards^ when Chancellor of the Exchequer^ tried 
to introduce as an item in his budget. But no one 
was willing to compensate either the farmer or land- 
owner for losing the privilege of raising at will the 
price of breads or taxing the people for its consump- 
tion. The long and passionate debates on the Navi- 
gation Laws were at last brought to a close on the 
25th of April_, by a majority of 61 votes (275 against 
214)^ while in the upper House the bill was carried 
by a majority of 13 votes. 

After the repeal of the Navigation Laws the par- 
liamentary debates lost much in interest and excite- 
ment^ as the last shovelling was thereby put upon 
Monopoly and Protection. There yet remained busi- 
ness^ however^ for parliamentary discussion. The state 
of some of our relations abroad^ and the financial re- 
form agitation at home^ were still subjects of some 
interest in and out of Parliament. The State^ it was 
said; ought to diminish its expenditure^ and learn to 
keep its books in the economical sense of a private 
merchant ; meetings and petitions to that effect were 
held and prepared throughout the country. With re- 



146 ENGLAND DUKING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

gard to Englancrs foreign policy^ Palmerston enjoyed 
the deepest confidence of tlie people. Popular opinion 
ascribed to his sagacity and firm attitude the preser- 
vation of peace in Europe and the absence of any 
evil effect of the continental revolutions on the tran- 
quillity of England. Indeed, England had been su- 
premely quiet during all the disturbances abroad_, and 
whilst the nations on the continent were suffering all 
the calamities consequent on revolutions, the English 
not only looked passively upon those sad spectacles, 
but actually drew advantages from them in a pecu- 
niary point of view. Refugees of distinction from all 
parts incessantly flocked to the shores of Great Bri- 
tain, bringing with them their property and treasures, 
and increasing thereby our trade and commerce to a 
considerable extent. 

Ireland and the Colonies still gave the Ministers 
great trouble. A sort of revolution had again broken 
out in Canada, where a large portion of the people 
were aiming at the annexation of Canada to the 
United States. Lord Grey, however, by considerable 
concessions in government, and other particulars, suc- 
ceeded in assuaging the popular movement, and re- 
storing a questionable loyalty in that colony. The 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT EEIGN. 147 

most important event in the foreign relations of the 
country was the conquest of the Punjaub by the 
battle of Googerat, by which British India gained 
great advantage by the possession of the Indus. 
Parliament was also much occupied with Irish affairs^ 
andj as usual^ without much advantage. They were 
obliged to grant to Ireland bread and money on the 
one hand^ and deprive her of the Habeas Corpus Act 
on the other. Life and property, however, re- 
mained as heretofore unsafe, the deeply mortgaged 
lands uncultivated, and industry and education un- 
known to the population. The Celts, not unlike the 
savages in North America, are fast vanishing ; they 
either perish by famine, or emigrate to other lands, 
thus making room for Anglo-Saxon intelligence, in- 
dustry, and perhaps education and religion. These 
are the results of progressive Nature, assisted by 
civilised intercourse — not of parliamentary enact- 
ments or legislative restrictions. 

The debates as to the abolition of the malt and hop 
taxes had led as yet to no result ; neither was Lord 
John Russell more successful with his Jew Bill, which, 
though it passed the lower House on the 7th of May, 
by 278 against 185 votes, was rejected in the upper 

H 2 



148 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

House on tlie 20th of June^ by 95 against 70 votes. 
D^Israeli played in tlie debates the part of a de- 
scendant from the Jewish race. As the complete 
emancipation of the Jews in England is prevented 
only by a phrase in the oath of allegiance, which 
ends with the words ^'^ on the true faith of a Chris- 
tian/^ the time cannot be far distant when the oath 
will receive a new form^ as is now the case in the 
declaration taken by the Quakers. 

Shortly before the prorogation of Parliament (1st 
of August) about one hundred liberal members met^ 
to mark to Lord Palmerston their acknowledgment of 
his efforts for the preservation of general peace. 
They presented to Lady Palmerston a costly bust of 
the noble Viscount. It was generally considered^ 
and even hinted at in the Speech from the Throne^ 
that his explanations in the Turco -Hung avian refugee 
question had saved Europe from a general war. The 
year quietly ran its course in England_, although the 
Protectionists still continued to hold large meetings^ 
showing or pretending to show that England was 
hastening towards ruin by the adoption of Free 
Trade. 

All the remaining incidents of that year were of a 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 149 

pacific natui^e. The journey of the Queen through 
Ireland during the month of August was a continued 
triumphal procession^ evidencing that the Celts by 
nature are loyal^ if they are not artificially drawn 
aside into fanatical and demoralising party contests. 
Property^ agriculture^ industry^ and religion^ are the 
slow but sure weapons by which the Celtic race of 
Ireland will be exterminated by the Saxons or 
Orangemen^ whose influence is paramount. When 
Lord Clarendon dismissed three Orangemen from the 
magistracy in October^ 1849^ the incident was treated 
by the Press as an event of great importance,, whilst 
on the continent hundreds of such dismissals would 
not have excited half the attention of the Press or 
public. The same month was also distinguished by 
the meeting convened by Cobden (on the 9th of 
October) at the London Tavern, against the Austrian 
loan. It was his opinion that the people should con- 
sider well^ before they parted with their money— as 
if the bankers and merchants ever committed the 
folly of lending without due consideration ! These 
traits are certainly the weak side of the Free-traders 
in England. To preach caution and ethics to Mam- 
mon is to wish to control private property by legis- 



150 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

lative enactments^ or to endeavour to force money 
into certain directions and pockets by dint of Cus- 
toms duties. 

Amongst the meetings of the season^ that held on 
the 17th of October^ at the Mansion House, under 
the auspices of his Royal Highness Prince Albert, as 
President of the Society of Arts, was of vast im- 
portance in the history of the arts and sciences. It 
was at that meeting that arrangements were made for 
the selection of the site for the Exhibition to be held 
in 1851. 

Towards the end of the session, Sidney Herbert 
brought forward a plan for alleviating the sufferings 
of the needlewomen by means of emigration. That 
it failed in answering its purposed end, is referable 
to the nature of every social system, however sub- 
lime and humane in its construction. Practical life 
only obeys the cold laws of arithmetic and calcu- 
lation, and these laws generate more charity and 
brotherly love, and even love for om* enemies, than all 
the benevolent societies taken together, provided they 
(the laws) are not crippled or fettered by the so-called 
higher political considerations. Witness the Factory 
or Ten Hours Bill which, though humanely con- 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 151 

ceived^ remains still without force and effect^ simply 
because it did not agree in principle with the econo- 
mical rules of practical life. 

The summary gain of the year 1849 was presented 
to the public in the form of a letter written by Sir 
Robert Peel^ in which he stated his conviction^ that 
Protection would never again prevail in England. 



152 



CHAP. XVII. 



THE TEAE 1850. — PALMEESTON. — EFFECTS OF THE EEPEAL 
OF THE NAVIGATION LAWS. — PAELIAMENT. — FEEE-TEADEES 
AND PEOTECTIONISTS. 



During the latter part of the year 1849 and the be- 
ginning of the year 1850^ England played a peculiar 
part in her foreign policy^ more especially as regards 
the Hungarian war. Palmerston^ whilst apparently 
favouring the revolution and securing an asylum for 
the political refugees in Turkey^ also managed on 
the other hand to keep on friendly terms with the 
despotic courts on the continent. It was a task as 
difficult as it at first appeared inexplicable, but which 
afterwards deservedly gained for him the reputation 
of being one of the greatest diplomatists of the day. 

The attention of England was now mainly directed 
towards the effects produced by the repeal of the 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 153 

Navigation Laws*. The Stanley-D^Israeli party tried 
to show that the repeal of these^ as well as of the 
Corn Laws^ had proved fatal in the extreme. The two 
leaders now mustered all their forces to give battle at 
the very opening of the session^ whilst a few of their 
party racked their brains to prove by statistical com- 
pilations^ in journals and pamphlets^ that England 
was on the verge of bankruptcy^ brought on by Free 
Trade; that her people were starving and demoralised^ 
her workhouses filled, ay^ overflowed with paupers; 
and that she owed some fifty or sixty millions sterling 
to merchants abroad for an excess of imports over 
exports^ which she either must cancel with bullion or 
vdpe ofi* the score by declaring herself insolvent. 
Reports of some strong allusions about to be made in 
the Address from the Throne as to the benefits 
which accrued from Free Trade^ still more sharpened 
the wit and increased the preliminary eff'orts of the 
leaders of the Opposition^ who frequently met at Lord 
Stanley^s. It was^ in shorty generally understood that 
the coming Parliament would assume a dramatic 
aspect from the very outset. 

^ See Appendix as to Tonnage. 

H 3 



154 ENGLAND BUHING THE PRESExNT KEIGN. 

Parliament was opened by Commission on the 31st J| 
of January^ 1850. The Address from the Throne 
spoke of the hopes entertained that other nations 
would soon follow the example of Great Britain^ and 
introduce measures of Free Trade and unrestricted 
competition ; and that^ though some reports spoke of 
agricultural distress^ the nation was upon the whole in 
a state of prosperity. " It is/^ the Address continued^ 
^^a source of real joy to her Majesty to witness the 
abundance and cheapness of the necessaries of life, 
on which the existence of the poor labouring classes 
so much depends/^ The answer to the Address 
was moved by the Earl of Essex^ which was in fact 
an echo of the royal speech, wliilst the Earl of 
Stradbroke proposed an amendment, ascribing the 
agricultural distress in Great Britain, and parti- 
cularly in Ireland, to the recent laws of Free 
Trade and to the increase of local burdens. Lord 
Stanley supported the amendment with great zeal, 
although he wound up by stating that he would 
be content for the present with a moderate fixed 
duty. The amendment, however, was lost by a 
majority of 49 votes (152 against 103). In the 
lower House a similar amendment was also ne- 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 155 

gatived by a majority of 119 votes (311 against 
192). 

On the 19th of T^farch^ D^Israeli moved for a revi- 
sion of tlie Poor Laws in favour of the landowners^ 
as a compensation for the losses sustained by them in 
consequence of the repeal of the Corn Laws. After 
two nights^ debate^ the motion was lost by a majority 
of 11 votes (273 against 262). This small majority 
against the motion stimulated the party to repeated 
proposals of a similar tendency in favour of the agricul- 
tural classes^ but without success^ whilst the continued 
opposition they offered to the Government on nearly 
all the bills of the session^ and the assistance they 
invariably lent to any motion^ no matter from what 
quarter it emanated^ where there was any chance of de- 
feating the Government^ so soured the temper of Lord 
John RusseU that he^ on more than one occasion, 
threatened to resign. That Hume^s annual motion 
for the extension of the elective rights was again re- 
jected on the 28th of February by 242 against 96 
votes is not to be wondered at, considering the indis- 
creet conduct of the working classes during that year^ 

Hume, H. Drummond, Cobden, and others, also 
moved in their usual way for a reduction of the army 



156 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN, 

expenses and public expenditure generally. They did 
not succeed that year^ simply because the public ex- 
chequer had already undergone various experiments by 
the removal of many restrictions on trade and navi- 
gation. The Free-traders were therefore content with 
exempting tiles and wood for building purposes from 
import duties^ though they did not in the least sus- 
pect what a benevolent revolution those free tiles and 
wood would call forth in London. The vast masses of 
houses^ cottages^ and villas with splendid gardens, 
built with untaxed materials^ in the extreme suburbs 
of the metropolis^ have already afforded a fair oppor- 
tunity to large numbers of the working classes, of 
renting small houses for themselves and families, at a 
much cheaper rate than they paid for the couple of 
rooms they had hitherto occupied in the densest and 
most insalubrious parts of the city. 

The Protectionists, unable any longer to command 
the political sphere, now turned their attention to 
Sunday posts, labour, tea, malt, and even to literature 
and newspapers. Socialism began to flourish under 
their auspices, and for some time attempts were 
even made to re-introduce the mediaeval institutions 
of guilds and corporations in England. The free re- 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 157 

lation between the employers and the employed was 
to cease^ or at least become reorganised. Societies 
of needlewomen^ tailors and shoemakers^ printers 
and compositors^ were formed for the purpose of 
abolishing free competition and Free Trade^ whilst 
Lord Ashley^s mischievous motion had masked itself 
under the form of Christian charity. He made a 
new motion on the 14th of March on the Ten Hours 
BiU. Throughout the whole year the working men 
were on the move^ complainings by petitions and at 
meetings^ of the violation of the bill. The meetings 
were followed by deputations and interviews with 
the Home Secretary. Time^ necessity^ and experience, 
how^ever^ healed the wounds without the assistance 
of the State physician. The Society for Female 
Emigration shipped their first portion of 813 persons 
to Port Phillip in the month of February. The efforts 
of the Society were directed to the alleviation of a 
class who had recently attracted public notice in the 
parliamentary reports ; but time and experience^ even 
with regard to this charitable Society^ have taught 
that the purest and noblest acts of humanity are by 
themselves unable to meet great social evils, which, if 
they are not remedied by the free development of social 



158 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

interests generally^ are certainly of a most incurable 
cliaracter^ and beyond tbe reach of legislative pre- 
scription. The Restrictionists [alias Protectionists) 
carried their motion against the delivery of letters on 
Sundays^ while Lord Ashley^s motion^ supported by 
3280 petitions containing 547,538 signatures_, passed 
the House on the 30th of May by 93 against 68 votes. 
We pass over the minor incidents and proceedings 
with which the session of 1850 so abounded ; they are 
but isolated facts, and have no connection with the 
internal history of England. We cannot, however, 
omit noticing the death of Sir Robert Peel (caused 
by injuries sustained in a fall from his horse) , which 
took place on the 2nd of July. This fatal accident 
is truly an historical event. It deprived England of 
one of her greatest and noblest statesmen. Parliament 
of one of its most energetic members. Free Trade 
one of its greatest authorities, and his party, whom 
he had served until 1846, for the space of twenty- 
three years, of its most spirited leader. The accident 
proved, however, afterwards, to be more of an indivi- 
dual than a national calamity. The reformer had been 
snatched ^away, but the reforms that he had brought 
about continued their onward course, progressing with 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 159 

ever-increasing vigour. It was the fault of Ms dis- 
ciples and successors — the Peelites — that his system 
has not been carried out to a greater extent^ or 
fraught with still better results. Sir Robert Peel 
spoke his last words in the House on the 28th of June. 
^^ I have supported the ministers/^ said he^ ^^ because 
I perfectly approve of their internal policy^ which I 
think has been liberal and conscientious. I agree 
with them^ and repeat it emphatically, that peace and 
the true interests of the country chiefly rest upon the 
principles of our commercial policy .^^ These words 
form both his own epitaph and legacy to England. 
Both Houses adjourned for two days_, as a mark of 
deep mourning for the great man. 

Peel had taken great interest in the Greek question^ 
which may be considered as the most important and 
exciting subject of the whole session. The Free- 
traders and Protectionists had respectively made an 
attempt, during that session, to bring the party ques- 
tion to an issue in the House, both in principle and 
parliamentary form. The latter had chosen the foreign 
policy of the Government as the battle-field for the 
fall of the Ministers, whilst the former, anxious to 
secure to the industrial classes the same elective 



160 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

riglits as those enjoyed by the agricultural classes^ 
selected this topic as the best means of altogether 
destroying the opposing party. Both were unsuc- 
cessful^ simply because the forms in which the real 
question was couched were unpopular in the country. 
On the 17th of June^ Lord Stanley attacked 
Lord Palmerston^ and with him the Government^ 
for his harsh proceedings against the Greek Go- 
vernment in the Pacifico affair. He succeeded in 
having a censure recorded against Lord Palmerston 
by a majority of thirty-seven votes ; but in the lower 
House the conduct of the latter was approved by a 
majority of 46 votes (310 against 264). The de- 
bate in the lower House lasted for five nights^ dur- 
ing which Lord John Kussell^ in approving of the 
policy of the noble Viscounty said that he (Lord Pal- 
merston) ^^ was not a Russian or an Austrian^ but an 
English Minister^ and as such he had acted in full 
conformity with his own views. '^ 

The parliamentary campaign of the Liberals^ which 
opened on the 9th of July^ by the motion of Locke 
King to extend the elective right in towns to £10 
householders^ equally resulted in failure^ the motion 
being rejected by 159 against 100 votes. The ques- 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 161 

tion involved radical principles^ for which the Free- 
traders of Manchester and the other manufacturing 
places did not care much_, now that they had obtained, 
in a direct way, all that they had for years been con- 
tending for. Moreover, the agitations among the 
working-classes for higher wages and less time of 
labour, were but little calculated to favour a motion 
which might eventually place them in a position to 
legislate to the injury of their employers. 

The lower House was as yet, in a religious point of 
view, unprepared to extend emancipation to the Jews. 
Englishmen, although wise and humane in practical 
life, are much more scrupulous and hesitating in reli- 
gious and church questions than other civilised na- 
tions. It may be attributed to their education, and 
the peculiar state of Protestantism, as it appears in 
the whole history of their church and the dogmas of 
their Oxford Catechisms. However, Parliament and 
Rothschild can easily dispense with each other for the 
present, without damage to the British Christians or 
to the British Jews. 

Parliament was prorogued by the Queen on the 
15th of August. The session was one of the longest 
and most active of its kind. One hundred and fifty- 



162 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

five bills were taken into consideration ; ninety-five 
had been brought in^ seventeen adjourned or rejected^ 
and seventy passed into law. More than 1100 hours 
had been occupied in its sittings. The main result 
was the extension of the moral and practical sphere 
of PeeFs system^ and the estabhshment of a safe and 
sound policy despite the various and passionate at- 
tacks of the Protectionists. Improvements were intro- 
duced in the Australian Government^ free intercourse 
and civilisation enlarged at home and abroad^ the 
laws of the land amended^ the elective right extended 
in Ireland^ the marine made more perfect^ and many 
local burdens removed. 

The rise and progress of the Exhibitio7i of Industry 
of all Nations had roused and fostered a universal 
feeling of peace and harmony during the year^ not 
only in England^ but throughout the civilised world. 
In the autumn of that year^ however^ the political 
sky became overcast by the news of large armaments 
on the continent^ as also of the arrival of a papal bull 
to the believers in England and Ireland^ which was 
calculated to create feehngs of misgiving in the minds 
of the English Protestants^ and call forth the old 
watchword of ^^ No Popery ^^ throughout the country. 



163 



CHAP. XVIII. 

THE UNIYEESAL EXHIBITION OE 1851 — AND THE MIDDLE OE 
THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY. 



The nineteentli century^ whicli had commenced with 
barbarons wars^ and was completing its first moiety 
amidst agitations^ disturbances^ and revolutions on 
the continent of Europe^ was nevertheless destined to 
usher in its second half period by a universal festi- 
val of peace. It was the plan of the greatest soldier 
and politician on the continent^ in the beginning of 
the nineteenth century^ to exclude the iron^ coals^ and 
manufactures of Great Britain from the rest of 
Europe; whilst England^ on the other hand^ began 
the second half century with inviting all nations to 
rivalry and competition^ mutual instruction and per- 
fection^ in the various branches of industry and the 



164 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

arts and sciences. From all parts of the civilised 
world might vessels have been seen steering towards 
the Metropohs^ for the focns in Hyde Park^ where^ 
after some discussion in Parliament^ the building for 
the reception and exhibition of the goods was erected. 
All had worked for this grand exhibition^ all had 
strained their ingenuity and invention to assist in 
adorning this first temple of peace. 

England had reason to look back with pride upon 
the past half century. 

The population had increased from 10^942;646 in 
1801, to 17,735,871 in 1850. 

The exports of produce and manufactures had in- 
creased from £39,871,203 in 1800, to £63,596,025 
in 1850. 

The shipping had increased from 1,996,802 tons in 
1800, to 7,404,588 tons in 1850. 

In the year 1800 there was a deficiency of revenue 
to the amount of £18,604,291; and in the year 1850 
there was a surplus of revenue over the expenditure 
by £2,578,806. 

The bullion in the Bank of England in 1800 
amounted to £6,144,000, in 1850 to £17,010,000. 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 165 

The rental of England and Wales in 1800 was es- 
timated at £20,000,000, in 1850 at £60,000,000. 

The imports of raw cotton amounted in 1800 to 
56,010,732 lbs., and in 1850 to 757,379,840 lbs. 

The quantity of wool imported in 1800 amounted 
to 8,000,000 lbs., and in 1850 to 700,000,000 lbs. 

The export of cotton manufactures by the yard 
amounted in 1800 to 72,000,000 yards, and in 1850 
to 1,358,000,000 yards. 

The export of twist and yarn in 1814 amounted to 
7,328,760 lbs., and in 1850 to 131,000,000 lbs. 

The Exhibition of 1851 was opened by the Queen, 
with great splendour, on tlie 1st of May 1851. We 
pass over the magnificence and wealth accumulated 
in the building, and the vast number of persons of all 
climes who visited it, as these have been fully described 
in works devoted to the subject; and we will only 
notice that the building in itself presented a novelty 
to the world, being wholly constructed of iron and 
glass. In a financial point of view it fully answered 
the most sanguine expectation. During the six 
months of its duration in Hyde Park, the receipts, 
including the subscriptions, amounted to £505,107, 



166 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

and^ after paying all the expenses in connection 
with, the undertakings there remained a surplus of 
£150^000^ which was subsequently expended in the 
purchase of land at Kensington Gore^ for the site of 
a new National Gallery^ &c. 



167 



CHAP. XIX. 

THE YEAR 1851. — PAELIAMENT. — THE MINISTEEIAL CEISIS. 



Parliament^ wliicli was opened on tlie 14tli of Fe- 
bruary, formed a curious contrast to tlie Industrial 
Palace, delineated in the preceding chapter. It ap- 
peared as if Old England, intimidated by Young 
England, had taken refuge in Parliament, in order to 
give vent to her feelings and carry out her old notions. 
Half the session passed away chiefly in apprehension 
of the Pope and the Jews. The only financial opera- 
tions of the session were, the reduction of the coflPee 
and sugar duties, and the abolition of the assessed 
taxes on windows. Until the 4th of July Parliament 
was fully engaged with the debates on the ^^ Ecclesias- 
tical Titles Assumption Bill,^^ the third reading of 
which was carried by 263 against 46 votes. Such a 
majority against Catholic titles and functions in a 



168 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

country where all religious persuasions enjoy full 
liberty ; such a fear that the Pope at Rome would 
again bring under his rule the crown of England and 
the creed of the English; such a hatred against 
Popery^ which has so frequently agitated the mind of 
the people to the utmost extent^ would indeed be a 
perfect enigma in a civilised country like England — 
the asylum of the persecuted of all countries of the 
world — if the Protestantism of England^ if her high- 
church dogmas aud theology^ were not the weakest 
side of the country. The official Protestantism of 
England is only another name for episcopal Popery^ 
and the very similarity it bears in form and character 
with Catholicism^ sufficiently explains the great hatred, 
jealousy^ and even fear that exist between them. 

A motion of D^Israeli on the 13th of February, to 
take into consideration the losses and sufferings of the 
farmers whenever a financial change was to be made 
in the burdens of the country^ was negatived by a ma- 
jority of only 14. A proposal by Government for 
the further reduction of the timber duty from 15^. to 
7^. 66?. per load was consented to without opposition 
on the 14th of Aprils as was also another on the 5th 
of July, for the farther reduction of colonial sugar to 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 169 

lOs., and foreign to 14^. per cwt. for a period 
of three years. The call of no house was heard 
more frequently during that session than any other 
recorded. 

The second reading of the Jew Bill, brought in by 
Lord John Russell; was carried in the lower House 
on the 1st of May by 202 against 177 votes^ but 
rejected in the upper House on the 17th of July by 
a majority of 36 votes; and an attempt of Alderman 
Salomons (who had been elected member for Green- 
wich) to force himself into the House resulted in a 
peremptory order from the Speaker to force him out 
of it; but the penalties attending such an illegal 
attempt could not be carried into practical effect ^ 
chiefly owing to the popular feeling against them. 

An amendment by Hume to prolong the Income 
Tax for one year only^ instead of for three years, was 
carried against the Government by a majority of 14 
(244 against 230 votes) ; as was also a motion of 
Locke King to equalise the elective right between 
towns and counties (to which Lord John Russell had 
objected); by a majority of 48 (100 against 58 votes). 
These several though harmless defeats induced Lord 
John Russell and the Cabinet to give in their resigna- 

I 



170 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

tion. Lord Stanley (Earl of Derby) was called to form 
a new Cabinet^ but after several attempts declared bis 
inability to do so. Lord Jobn Russell^ wbo was 
again desired to reconstruct tbe Cabinet^ also signified 
his inability to accomplish the task^ owing to a differ- 
ence of opinion on the papal question between himself 
and Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham. After 
a second but fruitless attempt of Lord Stanley to form 
a Ministry, the Duke of Wellington advised her 
Majesty to send for Lord John Russell^ and instruct 
him to resume office with his old colleagues : in shorty 
to withdraw his resignation and allow the Cabinet to 
be composed of its previous members. This minis- 
terial crisis but too plainly showed^ on the one hand^ 
that the spirit and vital power had fled from the old 
parties^ and on the other^ that the modern party 
of Manchester and Liverpool was yet too young, 
and perhaps too radical in its principles, to be in- 
trusted with the a^dministration of the country, 
at that time so replete with conflicting elements, 
laws, institutions, and opinions. From the 20th of 
February to the 3rd of March, England had remained 
without a Government, and yet nobody perceived it. 
Everything passed on, as if nothing had happened to 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 171 

arrest its progress. Self-government, or the sove- 
reignty of the people, is in England an established 
fact, — a reality that cannot be frustrated by the 
political creed of the servants of the crown, who 
must foUow the current of public opinion, however 
little in accordance with their own private views, — a 
fact of which the Derby Government of the succeed- 
ing year gave ample evidence. The session was closed 
on the 8th of August, during which the Russell 
Ministry suffered repeated defeats by majorities of 
from 1 to 50 and 60 votes. 



I 3 



173 



CHAP. XX. 



KOSSUTH. — FEENCH COUP D ETAT. — VISIT OF ME. WALKEE. 



Towards the latter end of tlie year 1851^ England 
felt a few shocks of political agitations. The revolu- 
tion in Cuba had called forth both hopes and appre- 
hensions, which vanished, however, with the rapid 
termination of the revolution. The arrival of Kossuth 
in England, in November, was of a more exciting 
character. The charms which reflected afar round 
his name, his deeds and vicissitudes, were still more 
enhanced by his rich and fiery eloquence in the Eng- 
lish language, as well as by the tenor of his addresses, 
which he knew well how to adapt to the English way 
of thinking. Southampton, London, and Manchester 
received him officially as the greatest hero and martyr 
of the day. Beyond these indications of sympathy, 
however, his career in England made no further 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 173 

progress. The popular excitement soon turned into 
another channel — that of the French coup d^etat. On 
the 29th of September^ England had drawn a closer 
connection with France^ by the establishment of a 
submarine telegraph between the capitals of London 
and Paris^ and within two months afterwards^ France 
faced England^s shores in hostile attitude, as her old 
historical foe. A panic of war^ ay, invasion, aroused 
the peaceable inhabitants of the island from their 
golden dreams in the late festival of Peace, where, in 
their industrial and scientific intercourse with all the 
nations of the world, they had neglected their national 
defence by land and water. 

This panic was increased by the English coup 
d^etat, on the 22nd of December ; for such indeed was 
the dismissal of Lord Palmerston, for having ap- 
proved of the coup d^etat of Louis Napoleon, from the 
Cabinet. His dismissal was viewed by the English 
nation as a xeal invasion of continental diplomacy, 
which Palmerston had always opposed in the most 
decisive manner. Much has been said and ar- 
gued about the affair; but the real cause lay, no 
doubt, in the desire for peace and tranquillity which 
the Ministers were courting with heart and soul. By 



174 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

his habitual remonstrances upon the domestic affairs 
of foreign states^ Palmerston had given much trouble 
to his colleagues, who became overwhelmed with 
complaints from foreign courts on the subject ; 
Spain went even so far as to expel the English Am- 
bassador from that court for venturing to give official 
counsel to the Spanish Government on some subject 
connected with their internal policy. Palmerston 
received a summary dismissal^ a compliment which he 
afterwards returned by upsetting the Cabinet alto- 
gether. 

We must not omit to mention the arrival, at the 
end of the year^ of a member of the United States 
Cabinet^ Mr. Walker^ at Liverpool and Manchester. 
In his sound speeches he pointed out the vast ad- 
vantages that have accrued from the liberal policy 
adopted in England, and which the United States are 
closely imitating, in harmony with their mutual 
interests and bond of kindred friendship. 



175 



CHAP. XXL 

THE YEAE 1852. — THE FEAE OF INVASION. — THE AMALGAMATED 
SOCIETY OF ENGINEEES. 



The year 1852 commenced with gloomy uncer- 
tainty and forebodings^ which vented themselves in 
various meetings^ petitions^ and schemes. The fear 
of a French invasion was daily gaining strength, and 
excited imagination soon connected with it a crusade 
against the Protestant church and religion. It was 
proved by the public press that neither the army 
nor the navy were in an efficient state to inspire 
England^ s continental neighbours with a wholesome 
fear of approaching her shores, whilst her relations 
with foreign courts generally, were not such as to 
enable her to place reliance upon their promises of 
peace and safety, England felt herself alone and 
isolated. The movements at home were ill calculated 



176 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

to dispel the gloomy apprehensions which existed 
throughout the land. A sort of civil war^ in a social 
point of view, also began to be waged between the 
different classes against each other, and which, from 
its extent and obstinacy, threatened to destroy the 
prosperity of the country — so gloriously represented 
but a few months back at the Great Industrial Exhibi- 
tion. It was a combination of labour against capital, 
carried on by nearly the whole of the working classes 
in the realm. The movement was begun by the 
engineers and machinists, who attempted to dictate 
terms to their employers. This attempt may be con- 
sidered as the greatest social question ever submitted 
to the practical test of experience ; and, as the Go- 
vernment did not interfere in the contest, but allowed 
the various parties to exhaust their moral and phy- 
sical, and even intellectual resources, it affords the 
best practical evidence of the hollowness of the exor- 
bitant claims of all those who are ignorant of the 
mutual relations that exist between production and 
consumption, or the values of labour and capital. It 
has been said that, had it not been for the large capital 
of the capitalists, they never would have conquered, 
nor maintained their imaginary rights. But this very 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 177 

assertion brings the question back to its starting- 
point. What are capitalists without capital? Are 
not employers capitalists to those whom they employ 
and pay wages ? Did not the labourers themselves 
engage in the struggle by means of capital against 
capital ? They wanted^ properly speakings to conquer 
large capital by small capital ! Having been sup- 
ported by a subscription capital of <£30^000j they 
intended to dictate terms to the owners of vastly 
greater amounts^ without considering that such an 
attempt^ without recourse being had to physical 
force^ plunder and theft — crimes which the educated 
engineers held in utter abhorrence — was^ both na- 
turally and morally^ utterly impossible. They were 
suffering under a social disease^ more prevalent in 
England than elsewhere^ and where a vast number of 
people were rendering themselves unhappy for the 
purpose of making their future condition more com- 
fortable. 

The English engineers and machinists^ the most 
important^ best educated^ and well paid class of 
workmen^ had^ at an early period, formed unions in 
their respective localities^ which were afterwards 
moulded into one ^^Amalgamated Society .^^ That 

I 3 



178 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Society consisted of one hundred and twenty unions^ 
counting more tlian twelve thousand members. It 
had its head-quarters in London ; the staff consisted 
of an executive council of seven members. The object 
of the, unions^ originally^ was of a purely humane 
character— to assist the sick and destitute members^ 
as also to provide for their funerals^ and^ to a certain 
extent^ afford support to the orphans and widows of 
the deceased members. The revenues of such an 
extensive Society soon surpassed its expenditure^ and 
created a sort of consolidated fund^ which prompted 
them to extend their thoughts to schemes far beyond 
the supply of mere immediate wants. They insisted 
upon increased wages and a diminution of the time of 
labour ; and as these conditions were refused by the 
employers^ they made a strike. In return^ the 
employers also formed themselves into a union^ and 
resolved not to employ any one who belonged to the 
^^ Amalgamated Society .^^ They thus stood in hos- 
tile array against each other- — the one refusing to 
work and the other withholding employment, and 
ceasing business altogether^ rather than yield to the 
conditions prescribed by the opposite party. More 
than ten thousand labourers were thus thrown out of 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 179 

employment and cast upon tlie funds of the Society 
for support^ wHcli rapidly disappeared, despite tlie 
continual supply from different Societies of various 
characters in the country. Want and necessity at 
last compelled the engineers to resume work_, and 
their pretended claims were thus set aside by the simple 
process of nature, supply and demand^ which act upon 
each other in the same manner as cause and effect. 
The loss, both to the employed and the employers^ 
during the fifteen weeks^ strike, has been estimated to 
exceed three millions sterling. 



180 



CHAP. XXII. 



WAELIKE DISPOSITIONS. — AEMAMENTS. 



During tlie conflict witli tlie working classes, 
England likewise suffered from the panic of the 
^^ Attila of Socialism/^ as Louis Bonaparte was called. 
In England the conflict manifested itself in mere logic 
and argument^ while on the other side of the channel 
the sword and bayonet were used as the convincing 
agencies^ and the military became the dominant power 
in Erance. A Pretorian Government^ it was thought^ 
soon leads to foreign wars^ to conquests abroad in 
order to quiet the rapacious desires of the soldiery^ 
who would otherwise lend their assistance in spread- 
ing to a still greater degree the confusion and disorder 
so prevalent at home. It was moreover rumoured^ 
that Louis Bonaparte^ during his stay in England as 
a Erench refugee^ had more than once hinted at his 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 181 

destiny^ which^, he said^ at some future period would 
impel him to attack England. A vast store of coals 
for steam-vessels had also been found in the depots of 
the late King Louis Philippe^ and the old reports and 
apprehensions of a French invasion were again re- 
newed with redoubled force and zeal^ recalling to 
mind the letter which the Duke of Wellington had 
addressed to the nation a few years back on the de- 
fenceless state of the English coast. That letter was 
now the daily topic of the press^ which dwelt with 
gloomy speculations on the possibility of the people 
one night being roused from their beds by the beating 
of Erench drums^ proclaiming England a Erench 
province^ enjoying universal suffrage under the 
auspices of a Catholic Government. 

It was fully believed by the English people^ that 
they would be called upon to defend their families^ 
treasures,, institutions^ Protestantism and Germanism 
against absolutism and ultra-montanism. The 
whole nation was accordingly on the alert ; rifle and 
target unions were formed amongst all classes 
throughout the country^ in anticipation of the coming 
war^ and every one was ready to receive the enemy of 
religion and civilisation in due military style. 



182 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

It is true that the Cabinet and part of the aristo- 
cracy and manufacturers^ and the friends of peace, 
thought differently. Lord John Enssell had pur- 
posely rid his Cabinet of the violent Palmerston^, to 
soften the angry feelings of the continental courts^ 
and maintain peace at any price rather than involve 
the country in expensive wars. Public opinion^ how- 
ever^ compelled Lord John to order warlike prepa- 
rations. Men-of-war were put in commission^ war 
steamers were recalled from distant seas_, the arsenals 
and forts repaired^ new arms ordered^ and, in shorty 
everything was done to convince the people that 
nothing had been neglected for the defence of the 
country, so long, at least, as France based her power 
exclusively upon her military forces. 



183 



CHAP. XXIII. 

THE PAELIAMENT OF 1852. 



While the Conservative Ministry of Peel brought 
about new reforms and liberal measures^ the Whig 
Ministry of Eussell remained almost Conservative in 
principle and stationary in policy. To this cause may 
be attributed the fall of the latter^ which the indul- 
gence and weakness of the Opposition for some time 
had delayed. The Ministry of Lord John Russell 
was a family union of mediocre capacity^ unable to 
carry out PeeFs notions and plans of reform. In- 
cluding eight members of the upper House^ the 
Administration contained no less than thirty-nine 
members, belonging, more or less, to the same family, 
and closely united by blood or marriage. Peel had 
broken the old historical preponderance of the landed 



184 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

aristocracy^ and raised the industry and commerce of 
the towns to political eminence. He laid down the 
principles^ the elements for further reforms^ which he 
would no doubt have carried out himself, had he re- 
mained in office^ but the Russell Ministry seemed 
only to have kept in view the past^ the preservation 
of all that had been effected by their predecessors^ 
without thinking of going a step further_, to make a 
bold advance in the way of liberalism. Great ex- 
citement had for some time prevailed among the 
people^ who were^ on the one hand^ desirous of Par- 
liamentary^ Chancery^ and Custom-house reforms, 
and incensed on the other, against a host of expen- 
sive evils which stood out in glaring contrast by the 
side of PeeFs reforms ; but the Government well knew 
how to keep back all these claims by fair promises of 
^^ considering them in due time/^ and other pretences 
of the usual diplomatic stamp, until the anticipation 
of a coming war with Prance had nearly exhausted 
the patience of the nation, who now looked forward 
to the opening of Parliament with anxious curiosity, 
feeling certain that some great measures would be 
proposed and carried, at least as regarded England's 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 185 

foreign relation s_, with wliicli the people and the 
press had connected the mysterious dismissal of Lord 
Palmerston. 

Parliament was opened on the 3rd of February^ for 
the first time in the new building. The speech from 
the throne was couched in vague terms^ and was 
deemed unsatisfactory^ considering the exciting cir- 
cumstances of the day. On the following day Lord 
John Russell explained^, in a long speech^ the causes 
that led to the dismissal of Lord Palmerston from 
the Cabinet ; he (Palmerston) had on several occasions^ 
he said^ been disobedient to the Queen^s and his own 
orders^ and he had moreover approved of the French 
coup d^etat in plain words to the Prench ambassador^ 
Count Walewsky, without previously consulting his col- 
leagues. Lord John Russell would not^ however^ take 
any notice of a paragraph in the ^^ Breslau Gazette/^ 
which was penned before the news of Palmerston^s 
dismissal was even known to the London press^ and 
which ascribes the incident to the influence of Prince 
Schwarzenburg. The defence of Palmerston was as 
lame as was the accusation of his opponent. He 
laid a stress upon his private views^ which had no- 
thing in common with his public duties_, and claimed 



186 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

the same privilege of thinking for himself as his late 
colleagues did in like manner. It was believed, out 
of doors^ that both heroes of the evening had endea- 
voured to mystify the truth by a confusion of: words. 
Be this however as it may, the liberal portion of the 
population considered Palmerston a martyr to conti- 
nental intrigues^ and the English Cabinet guilty of 
allowing itself to be swayed by foreign influence. 

The Press, with a few exceptions, had always con- 
demned the French coup d^etaty and the incidents 
attending it, in the strongest terms, and Lord John 
Eussell was not slow in regretting and complaining 
of the severe tone assumed by the Press generally 
against Louis Bonaparte. Many of the Lords, and 
Lord Derby in particular, took the same course, and 
they even thought it their duty to defend the Presi- 
dent of the French against the Press of their own 
country. In return, the Press rose en masse in vindi- 
cation of its rights and privileges, which, it asserted, 
were beyond the power of the Cabinet. 

The English Constitution is neither an aristocratic 
nor a democratic, nor even a written law ; but it is 
typocratic, and written every day. The Press is the 
living expression of public opinion, which governs 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 187 

everytlimg in England^ and the most talented and 
able articles that were ever published in the London 
journals belong to that time and the topics of that 
day. Many of the leaders in those journals will 
probably figure at some future period^ as historical 
records^ even though written for the interest of the 
present. 



188 



CHAP. XXIV. 



THE EEFOEM BILL OF LOED JOHN EUSSELL. 



On the 9th of February the Premier brought in his 
long-promised Reform Bill. On the one hand he 
lowered the money and property conditions of the 
elective right in towns to about the half of the pre- 
vious amount^ and on the other he re-constructed 
many of the rotten boroughs into elective franchises,, 
in order^ as he said^ to reconcile the landed interests 
with those of the towns. Old feudalism, in the dis- 
tribution of elective right, was thus to remain in force. 
New, populous, and flourishing towns were to be ex- 
cluded from that right, and poor deserted boroughs 
entitled to legislate for them. The bill, although it 
pretended to restore the balance between the interests 
of towns and country, which had been destroyed by 
PeeFs reforms, was, in effect, calculated to annihilate 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 189 

it altogether. Ratepayers of 40^. and householders 
of £5 rental annually, are hardly to be met with in 
the English towns, whilst the elective right was to 
be restored to fifty-six rotten and decayed boroughs, 
although they were only inhabited by some few de- 
scendants of the gatekeepers and steeplewardens of 
yore. Among the number of these boroughs were : 
Old Sarum, containing one house and twelve inha- 
bitants, and Beer-alston, which seems to have vanished 
from the face of the earth, as no one could tell where 
it was situated. The almost endless witty sallies of 
the press on the subject, and the various articles and 
leaders on the ^^Kotten Boroughs of Lord John 
Eussell,^^ may be numbered among the classical 
creations of the comic literature of the age. 



190 



CHAP. XXV. 



THE MILITIA BILL. — THE FALL OF THE EUSSELL MINISTEY. 



On the 16th of February Lord John Russell brought 
in his Militia Bill. It provided for the increase of 
the regular troops to the amount of 4000 men^ and 
the artillery 1000 men^ besides the creation of a local 
militia consisting of 80^000 men in the first and 
30^000 in the second class^ of which one-fifth was to 
be called into service every year. After long debates 
the resolution was consented to^ simply because it 
provided some actual defence against an invasion^ — 
the talk of the day. It may seem strange^ that the 
Russell Ministry^ that had suffered many defeats of 
greater importance without thinking seriously of re- 
signing office^ should now^ by an amendment of one 
little word^ ^^ regular ^^ instead of ^^locaP^ militia, as 
proposed by their previous colleague, Palmerston, and 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 191 

which was carried by only eleven chance votes^ be- 
lieve that the time for leaving office had arrived in 
earnest. That amendment,, however insignificant in 
itself, greatly tended to fill to the brim the cup of 
bitterness that was preparing for the Government. 
The Irish press bribery^ the CaSre war^ the Chancery 
Eeform^ and many other questions of a troublesome 
nature were so many stumbling-blocks in the path of 
the ^Ministers ; over one of them they were sure to 
fall^ so that it only remained a matter of choice^ like 
the death of Seneca^ how and by what means it was 
best to meet their end. 

The motion of the Derby party censuring the Go- 
vernment^ or rather Lord Clarendon^ then Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland^ for having granted gratuities 
to the Irish press (to the Editor of the ^^ World ^^)^ 
having met with failure on the 19th of February^ the 
amendment of Lord Palmerston^ which was to come 
on the following day^ the 20th^ relating to the Militia 
Bill^ was in consequence deemed of so little importance 
by most of the members^ that many of them actually 
absented themselves from the House^ little suspecting 
the result and its consequences. The amendment 
was adopted by a majority of 11 votes (136 against 



192 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

125). Lord John Russell tlien declared that it 
amounted to a vote of want of confidence^ and that 
he held himself free from all responsibility of the 
bill^ which he said might as well be introduced in its 
new form by Lord Palmerston. 

The latter seemed surprised at the declaration^ and 
the House was thrown into confusion in anticipation 
of the consequences. It was feared that the moment 
had at last arrived when the Derbyites would be in- 
trusted with the administration of the country. 

Sir Benjamin Hall was almost the only one who 
spoke out his opinion in plain and bold terms^ on 
the situation of affairs. He was^ he said^ as little 
afraid of a Protectionist as of a French invasion. 
Let the Protectionists by all means come into 
power^ and we shall then see what they mean to 
do^ and how far they will carry out their principles. 
They can do no harm ; while on the other hand it 
is constitutional to expect that on withdrawing the 
Militia Bill^ Lord John Russell intends also to resign 
the Government. The meaning was clear enough; 
it said in other words^ let there be a Protectionist 
Government^ in order to get rid of Protection and 
its party. 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 193 

Lord John Eussell now declared in plain terms, 
that, having lost the confidence of the House, the 
Ministers intended to resign. The fall of the Cabinet 
was partly, if not mainly, owing to the indifference of 
the Free Trade party, who having obtained, as they 
thought, all that they desired, considered their mis- 
sion at last terminated, no matter what party was to 
govern the country in future. 

Nothing was now left to be done but to intrust 
the large Protection party with the Administration. 
The leaders of that party had already, as early as 
1851, turned their thoughts to preparations for office, 
and begun to qualify their opinions on Free Trade, 
so far as even to request some of the editors of their 
leading organs in the Press not to insert any articles 
bearing on Protection and its principles. 



]94 



CHAP. XXVI. 



THE DEEBY MINISTEY. 



The Derby Ministry was the penalty inflicted on Eng- 
land for having stopped midway in the path of mer- 
cantile,, financial^ and social reforms^ the outlines of 
which had been sketched by the late Sir Eobert Peel. 
It must indeed have been very humiliating to Lord 
John Russell and his colleagues to have again to 
repair to the Queen with their portfolios^ to resign 
office^ and recommend once more their opponents as 
successors. The nomenclature of the new Ministers 
filled the farmers mth joy and the Free Traders 
with alarrn^ whilst the people at large viewed it with 
more tact and judgment. They laughed and mocked 
at the names as they appeared in the ^^ Gazette ^^ 
and the public press^ and only wondered at the 
courage or madness of those men who ventured upon 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 195 

the task of goyerning the country when they knew 
that the country was unwilling to be governed by 
them^ and that the time for sliding scales and pro- 
tective duties had past and gone. 

Derby and D^Israeli were alone considered eminent 
characters in the new Cabinet : the others were but 
of subordinate names and talents. The Derby Min- 
istry did not obtain power by the force of their own 
opinions^ but by the split between the Reformers and 
Free Traders in the opposite camp. This circum- 
stance^ if viewed in its proper lights sufficiently ex- 
plains the whole occurrence. England_, careless about 
her functionaries^ progresses and advances by rapid 
steps upon the high road of reform and civilisation. 
The process of her development is neither advanced 
nor checked by the influence of the State or 
Cabinet^ since the practical channels of culture, 
and the teachings of the press, remain free and 
unshackled under all circumstances of ministerial 
changes. The appearance of the Derbyites on the 
ministerial benches created but little sensation in the 
House. The new Ministers were repeatedly chal- 
lenged to issue a Protection programme for the guid- 
ance of the House and the country, but they always 

k2 



196 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

avoided accepting the challenge on some pretext or 
other. The Free Traders re-organised their party^ 
and re-established the Anti-Corn-Law League^ to be 
prepared for the field against the Derbyites. The 
latter^ however^ never thought of giving battle. They 
knew they were in a minority as regarded their own 
principles^ but durst not renounce them at once^ for 
fear of oflPending the party whose leaders they were^ 
and who now expected a return to the old regime of 
Protection and Conservatism^ for which^, during the 
past ten years_, they had spent time^ money^ and in- 
fluence. 

The historical interest in the lamentable play in 
which the Derbyites and Parliament performed some 
curious parts^ during the summer of 1852_, can only 
be found in the evidence to be deduced^ that there is no 
chance of old theories,, however ably represented^ pre- 
vailing in a countiy where practical benefit is the only 
means by which popularity and general favour can be 
obtained. The Derbyites, with all their courage 
and passion for party purposes^ were unable to 
obtain a footing either as Protectionists or even 
under the modified appellation of Tory- Conserva- 
tives. D'lsraeli^ as Chancellor of the Exchequer^ 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 197 

was even compelled to become tlie panegyrist of 
Peel and his reforms^ in order to assuage the indig- 
nant feelings of the House. In introducing his first 
budget^ he acknowledged that the benefits derived 
from the Free Trade system were undeniable ; look- 
ing^ however, at the wry faces behind him, he 
qualified the praise by observing that the system had 
been adopted too precipitately, and that, by doing so, 
great injury had been inflicted on the agricultural 
interests. There was so much shuffling in the 
speeches, so much of the ^^ Figaro here, Figaro 
there,^^ that, not being able to give a plain explana- 
tion to any party, the Ministers at last told the 
House that they would leave the principles of Free 
Trade and Protection to be settled by the country, in 
a new election of Parliament, and that they would be 
guided by the national decision before the end of that 
year. This implied, in other terms, that they no 
longer had any settled principles of their own, and 
that, rather than give up office on account of a mere 
bias for Protection, they would adopt any views by 
which a majority might be commanded in the House. 
This was a master-trick (though unconstitutional) 
worthy of a Metternich or Talleyrand. To their old 



198 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

friends they said^ ^^ Do your best at the coming elec- 
tions to retm^n a Protectionist majority^ and we are 
ready to do away with all Free Trade measures^ 
against which we have been fighting all along. In 
case^ however^ the elections should turn against you^ 
what can it profit you if we do resign ? It is always 
better for you to have friends in power^, who at least 
have the will to confer benefits on you ; and, whilst in 
power^ they might find some opportunities of doing 
so^ but hardly ever when sitting on the Opposition 
benches.'^ 

After many delays, Parliament was dissolved in 
July^ and the elections for a new one commenced im- 
mediately afterwards, not only with all the excitement 
and interest consequent on such an event, but even 
with additional corruption, and bribes held out by 
some of the members of the Administration for the 
purpose of increasing the Tory, or rather Protection 
ranks. Upon the hustings, nearly all the members 
of the new Administration receded many steps from 
their previous principles ; they showed that neither 
the repeal of the Corn Laws nor the introduction of 
the other liberal measures had done that amount of 
harm which they had anticipated. There might have 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 199 

been^ they added^ some fortunate extraneous circum- 
stances^, such as the discovery of gold in California and 
Australia^ &c., to counterbalance the evil effects of those 
measures ; but since it was really the case^ it was no 
longer of any use trying to recall past events^ and the 
only point the farmers now had to press foi% was the 
reduction of excise duty on their own productions, 
such as malt, hops, &c., as well as the preservation of 
conservative principles in religion, the church, and 
other social institutions of a like character. By these 
means they certainly rendered their position less 
awkward, both in the country and in Parliament. 
They turned the contest from Free Trade to other 
less offensive points, and persuaded the farmers to 
change the cry of ^^ Corn Laivs^^ for that of a less 
violent character, viz., ^' Reduced Taxes and Conserva- 
tive Principles generally .^^ 

The Derby Ministry hardly met with any opposition 
during the summer session, either in the items of the 
budget (which, by the bye, was in substance the same 
as that proposed by the late Government), or in the 
couple of bills they introduced, the Militia and Chan- 
cery Eeform bills, owing to the over anxiety of the 
Opposition to bring the session to a close, while the 



200 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

Government continually appealed to the indulgence 
of the House for the short time they were sitting, 
before the final appeal was made to the country^ 
promising^ almost at every stage^ that the disso- 
lution of Parliament was about to follow^ and that 
as they^ the Ministers^ held office only provision- 
ally^ the session was not to be prolonged by any 
new motion or bill on their part, except those es- 
sentially necessary for the dispatch of public busi- 
ness. This last provision afforded them several 
opportunities of prolonging the session notwithstand- 
ing, under the plea of dispatch of necessary business. 
The new elections^ though no means^ fair or foul, 
had been spared to secure a Protection majority in 
the House, proved anything but satisfactory to the 
Ministers. The Protectionists as before, remained in 
a great minority, and although they enlisted some 
new members under the vague banner of Conservatism^ 
it was plain that they could not long hold ground in 
the House, and that nothing was left for the Derby 
Cabinet but either to resign place or principle. The 
latter they did, in preference, and the Address from 
the Throne at the opening of the new Parliament on 
the 4th of November, for the final settlement of the 



ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 201 

Free Trade question^ contained paragraphs^ thanking 
Providence for the prosperity of trade^ the cheapness 
of provisions, and the abundant employment of the 
labouring classes. These expressions were meant to 
save the Government from the humiliation of recant- 
ing their previous principles in plain terms. The 
House, however, on the motion of Villiers, insisted 
on the latter course, and after much quibbling with 
the terms, the Ministers and their followers (with the 
exception of fifty-two) crept through the yoke, and 
acknowledged in unequivocal terms that the country 
was prospering in consequence of the Free Trade prin- 
ciples which had been introduced within the last few 
years. Having thus set the question of Free Trade 
and Protection permanently at rest, the Ministers 
were allowed to bring in their budget, which however 
was delayed in consequence of the public funeral of 
the Duke of Wellington, which took place on the 18th 
of November, though his death occurred as early as 
the 10th of September. 

The most objectionable item in the new budget, as 
proposed by D^Israeli, the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
and leader of the House of Commons, was the provi- 
sion for repealing the Malt Tax, amounting to about 

K 3 



202 ENGLAND DURING THE PRESENT REIGN. 

five millions sterling, for the benefit of the farmers, 
xlfter many nights^ debate and recriminating speeches, 
the budget was lost, on the 10th of December, 
by a majority of 19 votes (305 against 286), in 
consequence of which the Ministers tendered their 
resignation. 



RESOURCES OF THE COUNTRY, 



TABULAE ABSTEACTS. 



i\ 



?tafcfeal CaMes 



ILLUSTRATION OF THE CIVIL, POLITICAL, AND FINANCIAL 
DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY. 



TABLE I. 

Population of the United Kingdom from 1801 to 1851. 



Years. 


Population. 


1801 


16,338,102 


1811 


18,547,720 


1821 


21,193,458 


1831 


24,306,719 


1841 


26,895,518 


1851 


27,452,262 



206 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE II. 



Total Amount of the Eevenue and Expenditure of 
the United Kingdom^ with the Surplus or Defi- 
ciency of Hevenue^, from 1809 to 1853. 



Tears. 


Net Eevenue 
Paid into the 
Exchequer. 


Expenditure 

out of Revenue 

Paid into the 

Exchequer. 


Surplus 

of 
Revenue. 


Deficiency 

of 
Revenue. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


1800 


33,427,561 


52,031,853 




18,604,291 


1801 


31,851,465 


51,140,097 






19,288,631 


1802 


30,488,236 


57,186,804 






26,698,568 


1803 


34,404,178 


47,389,447 






12,985,269 


1804 


36,847,882 


45,823,782 






8,975,900 


1805 


44,278,384 


56,159,263 






11,880,878 


1806 


49,272,060 


67,070,942 






17,798,882 


1807 


53,896,980 


65,421,802 






11,524,822 


1808 


57,403,402 


65,016,112 






7,612,710 


1809 


60,751,973 


70,645,218 






9,893,245 


1810 


61,952,294 


73,012,256 






11,059,962 


1811 


67,449,645 


77,961,400 






10,511,755 


1812 


65,462,295 


79,346,420 






13,884,125 


1813 


63,203,192 


88,925,507 






25,722,315 


1814 


71,202,676 


109,054,125 






37,851,449 


1815 


72,151,281 


106,901,336 






34,750,054 


1816 


76,831,368 


95,588,927 






18,757,559 


1817 


64,292,490 


63,440,597 


851,893 


, . 


1818 


48,122,636 


49,317,435 




1,194,799 


1819 


49,420,509 


48,488,720 


931,788 


. . 


1820 


48,732,354 


48,438,396 


293,958 






1821 


50,926,468 


50,259,032 


667,436 






1822 


54,135,743 


49,391,225 


4,744,518 






1823 


52,755,564 


48,454,817 


4,300,747 






1824 


54,416,230 


50,528,058 


3,888,172 






1825 


52,347,674 


49,298,518 


3,049,156 






1826 


50,241,408 


50,887,328 


. , 


645,920 


1827 


50,241,658 


51,068,333 


. , 


826,676 


1828 


52,104,643 


48,857,649 


3,246,994 


. , 


1829 


50,786,682 


49,075,132 


1,711,550 


• • 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 

TABLE II. — continued. 



207 



Years. 


Xet Ee venue 
Paid into the 
Exchequer. 


Expenditure 

out of Revenue 

Paid into the 

Exchequer. 


Surplus 

of 
Revenue. 


Deficiency 

of 
Revenue. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


1830 


50,056,615 


47,142,943 


2,913,672 


. . 


1831 


46,424,440 


47,123,298 




698,858 


1832 


46,988,755 


46,373,996 


6i4,*759 




1833 


46,271,326 


44,758,243 


1,513,083 




1834 


46,509,856 


44,901,701 


1,608,155 




1835 


46,043,663 


44,422,722 


1,620,941 




1836 


48,702,654 


46,572,562 


2,130,092 




1837 


46,475,194 


47,130,954 


, , 


655,760 


1838 


47,333,460 


47,678,687 


, , 


345,227 


1839 


47,844,898 


49,357,691 


. , 


1,512,793 


1840 


47,567,565 


49,161,536 


. , 


1,593,971 


1841 


48,084,359 


50,185,729 


, . 


2,101,370 


1842 


46,965,630 


50,945,169 


. . 


3,979,539 


1843 


52,582,817 


51,139,513 


1,443,304 


, , 


1844 


54,003,753 


50,647,648 


3,356,105 


, . 


1845 


53,060,354 


49,242,713 


3,817,641 


, , 


1846 


53,790,138 


50,943,830 


2,846,308 


, . 


1847 


51,546,264 


54,502,948 


. , 


2,956,684 


1848 


53,388,717 


54,185,136 




796,419 


1849 


52,951,749 


50,853,623 


2,098*126 




1850 


52,810,680 


50,231,874 


2,578,806 




1851 


52,233,006 


49,506,610 


2,726,396 




1852 


53,210,071 


50,792,512 


2,417,559 




1853 


54,430,344 


51,174,839 


3,255,505 





II 



208 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE III. 

Net Total Amottnt of all Taxes Repealed, Ex- 
pired, Reduced, and Imposed, from 1815 to 
1853. 



Years. 


Eepealed, 

Expired, or 

Reduced. 


Imposed. 




Net. 




1815 


£ 
222,749 


£ 
423,937 


1816 


3,228,792 


320,058 


1817 


36,495 


7,991 


1818 


9,504 


1,356 


1819 


705,846 


3,094,902 


1820 


4,000 


119,602 


1821 


471,309 


42,642 


1822 


2,139,101 


. . 


1823 


4,050,250 


18,596 


1824 


1,704,724 


45,605 


1825 


3,639,551 


43,000 


1826 


1,973,812 


188,725 


1827 


4,038 


21,402 


1828 


51,998 


1,966 


1829 


126,406 


. . 


1830 


4,093,955 


696,004 


1831 


1,598,537 


627,586 


1832 


747,264 


44,526 


1833 


1,526,914 




1834 


2,064,516 


198,394 


1835 


165,877 


75 


1836 


989,786 


3,991 


1837 


234 


100 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 

TABLE III. — continued. 



209 



Years. 


Repealed, 
Expired, or 
Eeduced. 


Imposed. 




Net. 




1838 


289 


£ 
1,733 


1839 


63,258 


. . 


1840 


. . 


2,155,673 


1841 


27,170 




1842 


1,596,366 


529,989 


1843 


411,821 


• • 


1844 


458,810 


, , 


1845 


4,546,306 


53,720 


1846 


1,151,790 


2,000 


1847 


344,886 


, . 


1848 


585,968 


84 


1849 


388,798 


, , 


1850 


1,310,151 


, , 


1851 


2,679,864 


600,000 


1852 


95,928 


, . 


1853 


3,247,474 


3,356,383* 



* This includes £2,000,000 estimated for the Succession Tax, but only a 
part thereof is chargeable to this year. 



210 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE IV. 

Capital of the National Debt, from 1800 to 1853. 



Years. 


Funded. 


Unfunded. 


1800 


447,147,164 


26,080,100 


1801 


497,043,448 


20,588,100 


1802 


522,231,786 


14,353,000 


1803 


528,260,641 


17,862,600 


1804 


545,803,317 


24,066,500 


1805 


573,529,931 


26,089,400 


1806 


593,954,287 


26,987,100 


1807 


601,733,073 


31,669,900 


1808 


604,287,474 


38,845,200 


1809 


614,789,091 


39,066,100 


1810 


624,301,936 


37,786,300 


1811 


635,583,448 


40,907,800 


1812 


661,409,958 


42,726,400 


1813 


740,023,535 


44,654,800 


1814 


752,857,236 


56,987,700 


1815 


816,311,940 


41,441,900 


1816 


796,200,191 


44,650,300 


1817 


776,742,403 


56,729,400 


1818 


791,867,313 


43,208,400 


1819 


794,980,481 


36,303,200 


1820 


801,565,310 


30,965,900 


1821 


795,312,767 


31,566,550 


1822 


796,530,144 


36,281,150 


1823 


791,701,614 


34,741,750 


1824 


781,123,222 


32,398,450 


1825 


778,128,267 


27,994,200 


1826 


783,801,739 


24,565,350 


1827 


777,476,892 


27,546,850 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



211 



TABLE IV. — continued. 



Year«. 


Funded. 


Unfunded. 


1828 


772,322,540 


27,657,000 


1829 


771,251,932 


25,490,550 


1830 


757,486,996 


27,271,650 


1831 


755,543,884 


27,133,350 


1832 


754,100,549 


27,278,000 


1833 


751,658,883 


27,906,900 


1834 


743,675,299 


28,521,550 


1835 


758,549,866 


28,976,600 


1836 


761,422,570 


26,976,800 


1837 


762,275,188 


24,044,550 


1838 


761,347,690 


24,026,050 


1839 


766,547,684 


19,965,050 


1840 


766,371,725 


21,076,350 


1841 


772,530,758 


18,343,850 


1842 


773,068,340 


18,182,100 


1843 


772,169,092 


18,407,300 


1844 


769,193,645 


18,404,500 


1845 


766,672,822 


18,380,200 


1846 


764,608,284 


18,310,700 


1847 


772,401,851 


17,946,500 


1848 


774,022,638 


17,786,700 


1849 


773,168,317 


17,758,700 


1850 


769,272,562 


17,756,600 


1851 


765,136,582 


17,742,800 


1852 


761,622,704 


17,742,500 


1853 


754,893,401 


16,029,600 



212 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE V. 

Statement of the Value of Imports into^ and of the 
Exports from^ the United Kingdom, during each 
of the Years from 1801 to 1853, both inclusive, 
calculated at the Official Rate of Valuation, and 
distinguishing the Amount of the Produce and 
Manufactures of the United Kingdom exported 
from the Value of the Foreign and Colonial Mer- 
chandise exported: also, stating the Amount of 
the Produce and Manufactures of the United 
Kingdom exported therefrom, accordiug to the 
Real or Declared Value thereof. 



Years. 


Value of 

Imports into 

the United 

Kingdom, 

calculated at 

the Official 

Rates of 

Valuation. 


Value of Exports 
from the United Kingdom, 

calculated at the 
Official Rates of Valuation. 


Value of the 

Produce and 

Manufactures 

of the United 

Kingdom 

Exported 

therefrom, 

according to 

the Real or 

Declared 

Value thereof. 


Produce and 

Manufactures 

of the United 

Kingdom. 


Foreign and 

Colonial 
Merchandise. 


1801 

1802 
1803 
1804 
1805 
1806 


£ 
31,786,262 
29,826,210 
26,622,696 
27,819,552 
28,561,270 
26,899,658 


£ 
24,927,684 
25,632,549 
20,467,531 
22,687,309 
23,376,941 
25,861,879 


£ 
10,336,966 
12,677,431 
8,032,643 
8,938,741 
7,643,120 
7,717,555 


£ 
39,730,659* 
45,102,330^^ 
36,127,787* 
37,135,746* 
38,077,144 
40,874,983 



* The Declared Value of British and Irish Produce, &c., exported from 
1801 to 1804, applies to Great Britain only, the Real Value of Exports from 
Ireland not having been made previous to 1805. The Exports from Ireland 
are, however, of small amount. 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



213 



TABLE V. — continued. 



Years. 


Value of 

Imports into 

the United 

Kingdom, 

calculated at 

the Official 

Rates of 
Valuation. 


Value of Exports 
from the United Kingdom, 

calculated at the 
Official Rates of Valuation. 


Value of the 

Produce and 

Manufactures 

of the United 

Kingdom 

Exported 

therefrom, 

according to 

the Real or 

Declared 

Value thereof. 


Produce and 

Manufactures 

of the United 

Kingdom. 


Foreign and 

Colonial 
Merchandise. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


1807 


26,734,425 


23,391,214 


7,624,312 


37,245,877 


1808 


26,795,540 


24,611,215 


5,776,775 


37,275,102 


1809 


31,750,557 


33,542,274 


12,750,358 


47,371,392 


1810 


39,301,612 


34,061,901 


9,357,435 


48,438,680 


1811 


26,510,186 


22,681,400 


6,117,720 


32,890,712 


1812 


26,163,431 


29,508,508 


9,533,065 


41,716,964 


1813 


Eecords des 


troyed by fire. 


, . 


, , 


1814 


33,755,264 


34,207,253 


19,365,981 


45,494,219 


1815 


32,987,396 


42,875,996 


15,748,554 


51,603,028 


1816 


27,431,604 


35,717,070 


13,480,780 


41,657,873 


1817 


30,834,299 


40,111,427 


10,292,684 


41,761,132 


1818 


36,885,182 


42,700,521 


10,859,817 


46,603,248 


1819 


30,776,810 


33,534,176 


9,904,813 


35,208,320 


1820 


32,438,650 


38,395,625 


10,555,912 


36,424,652 


1821 


30,792,760 


40,831,744 


10,629,689 


36,659,630 


1822 


30,531,141 


44,242,532 


9,227,567 


36,966,023 


1823 


35,798,433 


43,826,607 


8,603,905 


35,357,041 


1824 


37,468,279 


48,730,467 


10,204,785 


38,422,404 


1825 


44,208,803 


47,150,690 


9,169,492 


38,870,945 


1826 


37,813,890 


40,965,736 


10,076,287 


31,536,723 


1827 


44,908,173 


52,221,934 


9,830,821 


37,181,335 


1828 


45,167,443 


52,788,089 


9,946,546 


36,812,757 


1829 


43,995,286 


56,217,962 


10,620,165 


35,842,623 


1830 


46,300,473 


61,152,354 


8,548,394 


38,271,597 


1831 


49,727,828 


60,686,364 


10,745,126 


37,164,372 


1832 


44,610,546 


65,025,278 


11,044,870 


36,450,594 


1833 


45,944,426 


69,987,357 


9,833,753 


39,667,348 


1834 


49,364,733 


73,835,231 


11,562,037 


41,649,191 


1835 


49,029,334 


78,360,059 


12,797,724 


47,372,270 


1836 


57,296,045 


85,220,144 


12,391,712 


53,293,979 


1837 


54,762,285 


72,544,071 


13,235,497 


42,069,245 


1838 


61,358,013 


92,453,967 


12,711,512 


50,061,737 


1839 


62,048,121 


97,394,666 


12,795,990 


53,233,580 


1840 


67,492,710 


102,706,850 


13,774,165 


51,406,430 



214 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE V. — continued. 



Tears. 


Value of 

Imports into 

the United 

Kingdom, 

calculated at 

the Official 

Rates of 
Valuation. 


Value of Exports 
from the United Kingdom, 

calculated at the 
Official Rates of Valuation. 


Value of the 

Produce and 

Manufactures 

of the United 

Kingdom, 

Exported 

therefrom, 

according to 

the Real or 

Declared 

Value thereof. 


Produce and 

Manufactures 

of the United 

Kingdom. 


Foreign and 

Colonial 
Merchandise. 


1841 

1842 
1843 
1844 
1845 
1846 
1847 
1848 
1849 
1850 
1851 
1852 
1853 


64,444,268 

65,253,286 

70,214,912 

75,449,374 

85,297,508 

75,934,022 

90,921,866 

93,547,134 

105,874,607 

100,460,433 

110,679,125 

109,345,409 

123,136,835 


£ 
102,179,514 
100,255,380 
117,876,659 
131,558,477 
134,598,584 
132,312,894 
126,131,029 
132,619,154 
164,539,504 
175,437,098 
190,658,314 
196,216,610 
214,360,489 


£ 
14,723,373 
13,586,422 
13,956,288 
14,398,177 
16,279,318 
16,296,162 
20,040,979 
18,376,886 
25,561,890 
21,893,167 
23,732,703 
23,329,089 
27,767,733 


£ 
51,634,623 
47,381,023 
52,279,709 

58,584,292 
60,111,082 
57,786,876 
58,842,377 
52,849,445 
63,596,025 
71,367,885 
74,448,722 
78,049,367 
98,933,781 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



315 



TABLE VI. 



Statement of the Total Tonnage^ distinguisliing 
British from Foreign, entered and cleared at Ports 
in the United Kingdom, from 1801 to 1853 in- 
clusive (exclusive of the intercourse between Great 
Britain and Ireland and the Coasting Trade.) 



Years. 


Entered Inwards. 


Cleared Outwards. 


British. 


Foreign. 


Total. 


British. 


Foreign. 


Total. 


1801 
1802 
1803 
1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 
1809 
1810 
1811 
1812 
1813 
1814 
1815 
1816 
1817 
1818 
1819 
1820 
1821 
1822 
1823 
1824 


Tonnage. 

922,594 
1,333,005 
1,115,702 
904,932 
953,250 
904,367 

938,675 
896,001 

1,290*248 
1,372,108 
1,415,723 
1,625,121 
1,886,394 
1,809,128 
1,668,060 
1,599,274 
1,663,627 
1,740,859 
1,797,089 


Tonnage. 

780,155 
480,251 
638,104 
607,299 
691,883 
612,904 
680,144 
283,657 
759,287 
1,176,243 
687,180 

599*287 
746,985 
379,465 
445,011 
762,457 
542,684 
447,611 
396,256 
469,151 
582,996 
759,672 


Tonnage. 

1,702,749 
1,813,256 
1,753,806 
1,512,231 
1,645,133 
1,517,271 

1,697'962 
2,072,244 

1,889,'535 
2,119,093 
1,795,188 
2,070,132 
2,648,851 
2,351,812 
2,115,671 
1,995,530 
2,132,778 
2,323,855 
2,566,761 


Tonnage. 

1,177,224 

950,787 
906,007 
971,496 
899,574 

950,'565 
860,632 

1,271,952 
1,398,688 
1,340,277 
1,558,336 
1,715,488 
1,562,332 
1,549,508 
1,488,644 
1,539,260 
1,546,976 
1,657,270 


Tonnage. 

457,'580 
574,420 
587,849 
605,821 
568,170 
631,910 
282,145 
699,750 
1,138,527 

602,941 
751,377 
399,160 
440,622 
734,649 
556,511 
433,328 
383,786 
457,542 
563,571 
746,729 


Tonnage. 

1,634*804 
1,525,207 
1,493,856 
1,577,317 
1,467,744 

1,650,'315 
1,999,159 

2,874*893 
1,150,065 
1,739,437 
1,998,958 
2,450,137 
2,118,843 
1,982,836 
1,872,430 
1,996,802 
2,110,547 
2,403,999 



216 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE Ml.— continued. 



Years. 



Entered Inwards. 



British. Foreign. Total 



Cleared Outwards. 



British. Foreign. Total. 



1825 2,143,317 

1826 1,950,630 
18272,086,898 
18282,094,357 
18292,184,535 
18302,180,042 
18312,367,322 
1832 2,185,980 
18332,183,814 
1834'2,298,263 
1835:2,442,734 
1836 2,505,473 
1837i2,6l7,166 
1838*2,785,387 

1839 3,101,650 

1840 3,197,501 



1841 
1842 
1843 
1844 
1845 
1846 
1847 
1848 
1849 
1850 
1851 
1852 
1853 



3,361,211 

3,294,725 
3,545,346 
3,647,463 
4,310,639 
4,294,733 
4,942,094 
4,565,533 
4,884,210 
4,700,199 
4,938,386 
4,934,863 
5,055,343 



Tonnage. 

959,312 

694,116 

751,864 

634,620 

710,303 

758,828 

874,605 

639,979 

762,085 

833,905 

866,990 

988,899 

1,005,940 

1,211,666 

1,331,365 

1,460,294 

1,291,165 

1,205,303 

1,301,950 

1,402,138 

1,735,079 

1,806,282 

2,253,939 

1,960,412 

2,035,690 

2,400,277 

2,933,708 

2,952,584 

3,887,763 



Tonnage. 

3,102,629 
2,644,746 
2,838,762 
2,728,977 
2,894,838 
2,938,870 
3,241,927 
2,825,959 
2,945,899 
3,132,168 
3,309,724 
3,494,372 
3,623,106 
3,997,053 
4,433,015 
4,657,795 
4,652,376 
4,500,028 
4,847,296 
5,049,601 
6,045,718 
6,101,015 
7,196,033 
6,525,945 
6,919,900 
7,100,476 
7,872,094 
7,887,447 
8,943,106 



1,793,842 
1,737,425 

1,887,682 
2,006,397 
2,063,179 
2,102,147 
2,300,731 
2,229,269 
2,244,274 
2,296.325 
2,419,941 
2,531,577 
2,547,227 
2,876,236 
3,096,611 
3,292,984 
3,429,279 
3,375,270 
3,635,833 
3,852,822 
4,235,451 
4,393,415 
4,770,370 
4,724,027 
4,785,428 
4,742,345 
4,882,490 
5,051,106 
5,212,980 



Tonnage. 

906,066 

692,440 

767,821 

608,118 

730,250 

758,368 

896,051 

651,223 

758,601 

852,827 

905,270 

1,035,120 

1,036,738 

1,222,803 

1,398,096 

1,488,8 

1,336,892 

1,252,176 

1,341,433 

1,444,346 

1,796,136 

1,921.156 

2,312,793 

2,056,654 

2,299,060 

2,662,243 

3,225,614 

3,191,596 

4,234,124 



2,699,908 
2,429,865 
2,655,503 
2,614,515 
2,793,429 
2,860,515 
3,196,782 
2,880,492 
3,002,875 
3,149,152 
3,325,211 
3,566,697 
3,583,965 
4,099,039 
4,494,707 
4,781,872 
4,766,171 
4,627,446 
4,977,266 
5,297,168 
6,031,587 
6,314,571 
7,083,163 
6,780,681 
7,084,488 
7,404,588 
8,108,104 
8,242,702 
9,447,104 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



217 



TABLE VII. 

Statement of the Tonnage belonging to the United 
Kingdom (including Guernsey, Jersey, and Man), 
from 1800 to 1853. 



Years. 


Tons. 


Years. 


Tons. 


1800 


1,698,811 


1827 


2,181,138 


1801 


1,786,325 


1828 


2,193,300 


1802 


1,901,162 


1829 


2,199,959 


1803 


1,986,076 


1830 


2,201,592 


1804 


2,066,061 


1831 


2,224,356 


1805 


2,092,489 


1832 


2,261,860 


1806 


2,079,914 


1833 


2,271,301 


1807 


2,096,827 


1834 


2,312,355 


1808 


2,130,396 


1835 


2,360,303 


1809 


2,167,221 


1836 


2,349,749 


1810 


2,210,661 


1837 


2,333,521 


1811 


2,247,322 


1838 


2,420,759 


1812 


2,268,731 


1839 


2,570,635 


1813 


2,348,843 


1840 


2,768,262 


1814 


2,414,170 


1841 


2,935,399 


1815 


2,477,831 


1842 


3,041,420 


1816 


2,504,297 


1843 


3,007,581 


1817 


2,421,354 


1844 


3,044,392 


1818 


2,452,608 


1845 


3,123,180 


1819 


2,451,597 


1846 


3,199,785 


1820 


2,439,029 


1847 


3,307,921 


1821 


2,355,852 


1848 


3,400,809 


1822 


2,315,403 


1849 


3,485,958 


1823 


2,302,867 


1850 


3,565,133 


1824 


2,348,314 


1851 


3,662,344 


1825 


2,327,341 


1852 


3,759,278 


1826 


2,461,461 


1853 


4,030,204 



218 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE VIII. 



l^EW VESSELS BUILT, 

Statement of the Number and Tonnage of Ships 
Built and Begistered in the Ports of the United 
Kingdom^ including the Channel Islands^ in each 
Year^ from 1800 to 1853^ both inclusive. 



Number 


Amount 




Number 


Amount 


Tears. 


of Vessels 


of 


Years. 


of Vessels 


of 




Built. 


Tonnage. 




Built. 


Tonnage. 


1800 ' 


1 




1827 


911 


95,038 


1801 




, , 


1828 


857 


90,069 


1802 




, , 


1829 


734 


77,635 


1803 




, , 


1830 


750 


77,411 


1804 




, , 


1831 


760 


85,707 


1805 




, , 


1832 


759 


92,735 


1806 

1807 


> Cannot 


be stated. 


1833 
1834 


728 
806 


92,171 
102,710 


1808 




, , 


1835 


916 


121,722 


1809 




, , 


1836 


709 


89,636 


1810 






1837 


1,005 


135,922 


1811 






1838 


1,147 


161,459 


1812 




, , 


1839 


1,278 


186,903 


1813 


J ' '- 




1840 


1,448 


220,064 


1814 


706 


86,075 


1841 


1,192 


168,309 


1815 


912 


102,903 


1842 


971 


133,275 


1816 


852 


84,676 


1843 


736 


85,373 


1817 


758 


81,210 


1844 


731 


96,876 


1818 


753 


86,911 


1845 


890 


124,919 


1819 


775 


88,985 


1846 


841 


127,498 


1820 


635 


68,142 


1847 


981 


149,924 


1821 


597 


59,482 


1848 


878 


125,940 


1822 


571 


51,533 


1849 


771 


121,266 


1823 


604 


63,788 


1850 


725 


137,530 


1824 


837 


93,219 


1851 


702 


152,563 


1825 


1,003 


124,029 


1852 


742 


170,424 


1826 


1,139 


120,534 


1853 


• • 


• • 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



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CO 1> C<r ^^ !-rt> CZf" CO rH" tjT oT 00 rH" 
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3 
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6 


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bo 

1 


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lOC0rHC0lOC500CDC<I00^C0ai 

00^ 00^ <^^^ p. 'H <^^ ^ ^^ ^^ °^ "^^ ^ 

Jt'^OOvOOi'OlOGOCDCOCO^OOvO 
<:OvOCO<:DJ>COaiCO(MJ>-rHOOO 
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OrH(?^COTj(iOt01>OOO^OrH(M 
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L 3 



220 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 





Is 


1 


r>2* oooooi>coo 








<o l>(MlOxOlO'^r-lO 




1 


'^ofSs'* OOiH05C0i> 




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rH rH Cq 










Annual 
Average 
Price per 
Imnerial 




'^05^1>CDiHC0<:0OrHl>'^iH(X)0000i0C0C0 

.OiTf(iOOOCOCD^l>CD^COCOOOOOCOOCD^ 
cooX>COt>05XX>COi0^vr3COCDiOiOCDCDCO 
tH 








^ 


Quantities admitted for Home 
Consumption in the United Kingdom. 

(Quarters.) 


'5 

1 


CCCqc0G<lO00xO0^(M00(MJ>0CX>l>Ol> 
00 00 CD ^ C30 iO l> 00 Oi O CO O ^ ^ CO 

^ococ<ia:i(MX(M fhcdocdx^osco'!? 

* CO^CD^io'co'cD"^"-*' ©q'CDJ> CD'cD^r-TT^'i^f 

• (M rH (M IC O !M CO rH rH (T^ rH I> rfl CD O 
CD tH (>q O^CD r-l XO CO lO 00 CO 1> 

T-Tr-T rH r-T 


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1 

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3 
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00 l:^ CD r-l CO i> rH O CO XO lO i> 

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• • • <S-^a^co N lo'i^ cTxC o'oo o" 

coo CO rH rH (^J (M lO (M CD 


1 


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00 00 CD CD O 05 XO O i-H Oi CO CD O:) Oi CD 

^ O^CO^Cq^OO^CD^CD O ^ , 05 Cq CO^Cqi> CD (M^ 

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• Cq rH Oq Cq lO rH ' ' O 00 rH (M Vi^ t? 

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rn" 1-4" T-T r-T 


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00<X)COiOCO(MO<MiHrH^CDOOOOrH'^-=Tt 
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o CO*" r-T cT ^^ co" cvT lo" oT co" lo" c<r ^^ ccT '<**' r-T co" r-T 

^cqaiOCD0iX>X(>q-!f(rH0000X>O'^CDCD 
COCDrHC^OO^irDiH C0iOC0t>CDCD 




Quantities imported in 
United Kingdom 

(Quarters.) 








'oi 

§ 

■3 


tH lOCOOvOCDO^O^OrH'^i^aitiOOiO 

(M O lO O l> Cq CD rH 05 O ^ 00 lO CD X 

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C0OtH^^(M 05 <?q XO rH rH 1> 






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XCDOlOCOCDOi-^CS^COi^ai-^rHXCXCO 
iHi> CD^CD^Oi^iH^X CDO:>XVDl>COiDr-l^iHvO 

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STATISTICAL TABLES, 



221 



^2 o g^ O i> (M iH 



tH rH tH tH '-' - Ci +3 2 



'^^-^^.^^^•^^-aP-Hg 



COCOTHOO^rHl>rHi?qir5lO 



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^ 1> J> ^ Tfl t3H rH rH rH 



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iHOOOOOOiCCCOCO CO 



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cq i> i> la \o o^ O ^^ o^t> i> CO 
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tH r-^ of Cq (N" (N 



t>-<lCCDrHCD'^'^ tJI 

00 00 ^ Cq r-H> Ci VO O 

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o^" rn" co" CO c^" a^ Q^ lO -^T 

00(MtHT?rH00O^^ CO 

c:i o^ro Cfi^cD i-i lo 00 CO 



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00 TT (^r •T? x> oT CO*" cT oq" co" t> CO 

COOOOCDCqCqcOtJ^rHrHiOrH 



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^ THI^f(^^(^fc^^ 



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tMr-irHCDCM rHr-irH-^iiOCj:) 

Cq tH rH rH (M rH 



^ ^ CO CD CO ^ CDi> 
O rH rH (M Oi CM O 4> 
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00" ^^ -^" 1> of CO" 00" 40 
rHC0^-^rHOitOC:> 
rH cq tM CO T? rH rH 



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CqrHC0C0OO'^rHiX)aiCq(M 
TH^CMI>Xl-OrHCOCD(MCDi> 

cT tM^ co^ ctT co" ^ '^^ lo" cq" ^^ r=r o" 

i^COOOO^CO-^iOCDOOrHT? 
O CO rH fH (?:| VO CO^ 00^ (M 10 00 

cf ih" sq" cq im" (m" 



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CO'^^rHCDCqCDOO 

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CD ^''f> CD" t^ -^ CO -^" 

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0000000000000000 



223 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE X. 



A Eeturn of the Aanual Average Gazette Price of 
Wheat^ Barley^ and Oats^ in each Year since 
1800^ inclusive. 



Years. 


Wheat. 


Barley. 


Oats. 




s. d. 


s. d. 


s, d. 


1800 


113 10 


59 10 


39 4 


1801 


119 6 


68 6 


37 


1802 


69 10 


33 4 


20 4 


1803 


58 10 


25 4 


21 6 


1804 


62 3 


31 


24 a 


1805 


89 9 


44 6 


28 4 


1806 


79 1 


38 8 


27 7 


1807 


75 4 


39 4 


28 4 


1808 


81 4 


43 5 


33 4 


1809 


97 4 


47 


31 5 


1810 


106 5 


48 1 


28 7 


1811 


95 3 


42 3 


27 7 


1812 


126 6 


66 9 


44 6 


1813 


109 9 


58 6 


38 6 


1814 


74 4 


37 4 


25 8 


1815 


65 7 


30 3 


23 7 


1816 


78 6 


33 11 


27 2 


1817 


96 11 


49 4 


32 5 


1818 


86 3 


53 10 


32 5 


1819 


74 6 


45 9 


28 2 


1820 


67 10 


33 10 


24 2 


1821 


56 1 


26 


19 6 


1822 


44 7 


21 10 


18 1 


1823 


53 4 


31 6 


22 11 


1824 


63 11 


36 4 


24 10 


1825 


68 6 


40 


25 8 


1826 


58 8 


34 4 


26 8 


1827 


58 6 


37 7 


28 2 


1828 


60 5 


32 10 


22 6 


1829 


66 3 


32 6 


22 9 


1830 


64 3 


32 7 


24 5 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 

TABLE X. — continued. 



223 



Years. 


Wheat. 


Barley. 


Oats. 




s. d. 


s, d. 


s. d. 


1831 


m 4 


38 


25 4 


1832 


58 8 


33 1 


20 5 


1833 


52 11 


27 6 


18 5 


1834 


46 2 


29 


20 11 


1835 


39 4 


29 11 


22 


1836 


48 6 


32 10 


23 1 


1837 


55 10 


30 4 


23 1 


1838 


64 7 


31 5 


22 5 


1839 


70 8 


39 6 


25 11 


1840 


m 4 


36 5 


25 8 


1841 


64 4 


32 10 


22 5 


1842 


57 3 


27 6 


19 3 


1843 


50 1 


29 6 


18 4 


1844 


51 3 


33 8 


20 7 


1845 


50 10 


31 8 


22 6 


1846 


54 8 


32 8 


23 8 


1847 


69 9 


44 2 


28 8 


• 1848 


50 6 


31 6 


20 6 


1849 


44 3 


27 9 


17 6 


1850 


40 3 


23 5 


16 5 


1851 


38 6 


24 9 


18 7 


1852 


40 9 


28 6 


19 1 


1853 


53 3 


33 2 


21 



224 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE XI. 

Amount of Gold^ Silver^ and Copper Moneys 
Coined at the Koyal Mint. 



Years. 


Gold. 


Silver. 


Copper. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


1800 


, . 


. , 




1801 


450,242 


53 




1802 


437,018 


62 




1803 


596,444 


72 




1804 


718,397 


77 




1805 


54,668 


183 




1806 


405,105 


Ml. 


Cannot 


1807 


Nil. 


108 


be 


1808 


371,744 


Nil. 


specified. 


1809 


298,946 


115 




1810 


316,935 


121 




1811 


312,263 


Nil. 




1812 


Ml. 


52 




1813 


519,722 


90 




1814 


NH. 


161 




1815 




Nil. 




1816 


, 


1,805,251 




1817 


4,275,*337 


2,436,298 


Nil. 


1818 


2,862,373 


576,279 


1819 


3,574 


1,267,273 




1820 


949,516 


847,717 




1821 


9,520,758 


433,686 


2.800 


1822 


5,356,787 


31,430 


43,355 


1823 


759,748 


285,272 


32,480 


1824 


4,065,075 


282,070 


ML 


1825 


4,580,919 


417,535 


9,408 


1826 


5,896,461 


608,606 


50,400 


1827 


2,512,636 


33,020 


19,712 


1828 


1,008,559 


16,288 


2,464 


1829 


2,446,754 


108,260 


1,568 


1830 


2,389,881 


151 


2,464 


1831 


587,949 


33,696 


7,392 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



225 



TABLE XL— continued. 



Years. 


Gold. 


Silver. 


Copper. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


1832 


3,730,757 


145 


448 


1833 


1,225,269 


145 


Nil. 


1834 


66,949 


432,775 


3,136 


1835 


1,109,718 


146,665 


2,688 


1836 


1,787,782 


497,719 


1,792 


1837 


1,253,088 


75,385 


4,592 


1838 


2,855,364 


174,042 


1,568 


1839 


504,310 


390,654 


5,040 


1840 


Nil. 


216,414 


3,136 


1841 


378,472 


96,175 


8,848 


1842 


5,977,051 


192,852 


1,764 


1843 


6,607,849 


276,606 


10,080 


1844 


3,563,949 


626,670 


7,246 


1845 


4,244,608 


647,658 


6,944 


1846 


4,334,911 


559,548 


6,496 


1847 


5,158,440 


125,730 


8,960 


1848 


2,451,999 


35,442 


2,688 


1849 


2,177,955 


119,592 


1,792 


1850 


1,491,836 


129,096 


448 


1851 


4,400,411 


87,868 


3,584 


1852 


8,742,270 


189,596 


4,312 


1853 


11,952,391 


701,544 


10,190 



L 3 



226 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE XII. 



Statement of the Average Price of Gold in 
England, in eacb. Year, from 1800 to 1850. 



Years. 


Average Price 


Years. 


Average Price 


of the 1 ear. 


of the Year. 




£ s d. 




£ s. d. 


1800 


3 17 9 


1826 


3 17 6 


1801 




1827 


3 17 6 


1802 


, . 


1828 


3 17 6f 


1803 


. o 


1829 


3 17 9i 


1804 


4 


1830 


3 17 91 


1805 


4 


1831 


3 17 10^ 


1806 


. , 


1832 


3 17 9i 


1807 


o . 


1833 


3 17 9i 


1808 


. c 


1834 


3 17 9 


1809 


. 


1835 


3 17 9 


1810 


4 4 4 


1830 


3 17 9| 


1811 


4 15 8^ 


1837 


3 17 9 


1812 


5 10 


1838 


3 17 91- 


1813 


5 6 li 


1839 


3 17 11 


1814 


4 17 9f 


1840 


3 17 9J 


1815 


4 11 2 


1841 


': 


1810 


4 Of 


1842 




1817 


3 19 41 


1843 




1818 


4 1 31 


1844 




1819 


3 18 9f 


1845 


^ 3 17 9 


1820 


3 17 lOi 


1840 


1821 


3 17 lOi 


1847 




1822 


3 17 8 


1848 




1823 


3 17 6 


1849 




1824 


3 17 6i 


1850 




1825 


3 17 9i 







STATISTICAL TABLES. 



227 



c 



o 


(D 


■+J 


QJ 


s 




% 


o 
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o 




Ph 




g 





1 


00OO00(NO00O0D00C0C0<MOO 
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xOiOCDiOCDxOiOt>Tf(a5000:CDOxO 
rH 


03 

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.s ; 




British West 

Indies and 

British 

Guiana. 




M 




British 
Possessions 

in the 
East Indies. 




^ 




ll 

g 


lbs. 
Not specified. 


1 




Xi 




The United 
States. 




^ : I ' \ ' 






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OrH(MC0-^>OCDJ>00a5O»-ICqC0'^ 
OOOOOOOOOOrHrHrHrHrH 
OO000000QO0O000O0000CZ)CX)O0X0O 



228 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 






X 



1 


^CD00l>l0iOCNIC<lO(MC:>OO^r-iir:)>OGvl00 

• oT o" CO lo" co" c<r CD r> c<f (Siot^ao (St^r^ ^ (^Tco 

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rH iH iH iH tH rH iH iH rH (M tH (^^ Cq Cq Cq (M (M CO 




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X>O(Mail0OC0r-l(Ml>O00t0a:)THrHCDCDCD 
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j::vOrHI>(M0C'7fC0C0Q0ii::>rHC0C0^xO^X>00(M 
— 'CDO'^l>-i>.O^t>a5OOCX)C0J>rHCDC^t000 

(OCOQOiS^Q^O^r^rA' t? pH rH rH iH 

I— 1 


British West 

Indies and 

British 

Guiana. 


I>(MiiOTHCOCDO^o:)CDOOOtHO^i>lOOO(^l 

CiCqOlOlO^OOrHOsO-^lr^OOOrH-^OOCqCD 

rHaOCDOOi:-OOC5rHr>COaiOOOOO^(MCD^QO 

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xo" (>5'' cT rH t>^ CD i> o i> cd" oo''^''t> lo ^ CO (>f cq cq" 

rH rH rH r-i 


British 
Possessions 

in the 
East Indies. 


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1= 


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230 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE XIV. 



Statement of the Quantities of Wool (Sheep^ 
Lamb^ and Alpaca) Imported into tlie United 
Kingdom from various Countries^ from 1800 to 
1853. 



Years. 


Total. 


Years. 


Total. 




lbs. 




lbs. 


1800 




1827 


29,115,341 


1801 


7,371,774 


1828 


30,236,059 


1802 


7,669,798 


1829 


21,616,649 


1803 


5,904,740 


1830 


32,305,314 


1804 


7,921,595 


1831 


31,652,029 


1805 


8,069,793 


1832 


28,142,489 


1806 


6,775,636 


1833 


38,076,413 


1807 


11,487,050 


1834 


46,455,232 


1808 


2,284,482 


1835 


42,604,656 


1809 


6,758,954 


1836 


64,239,977 


1810 


10,914,137 


1837 


48,379,708 


1811 


4,732,782 


1838 


52,594,355 


1812 


6,983,575 


1839 


57,379,923 


1813 


, . 


1840 


49,436,284 


1814 


15,492,311 


1841 


56,170,974 


1815 


13,640,375 


1842 


45,881,639 


1816 


7,517,886 


1843 


49,243,093 


1817 


14,061,772 


1844 


65,713,761 


1818 


24,749,570 


1845 


76,813,855 


1819 


16,100,970 


1846 


65,255,462 


1820 


9,775,605 


1847 


62,592,598 


1821 


16,622,567 


1848 


70,864,847 


1822 


19,058,080 


1849 


76,768,647 


1823 


19,366,725 


1850 


74,326,778 


1824 


22,564,485 


1851 


83,311,975 


1825 


43,816,966 


1852 


93,761,458 


1826 


15,989,112 


1853 


119,395,445 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



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STATISTICAL TABLES. 







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STATISTICAL TABLES. 



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STATISTICAL TABLES. 



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STATISTICAL TABLES. 



237 



TABLE XVII. 

EDUCATIOjS". 

Comparative View of the Number of Day Schools 
and Sunday Schools^ with the Scholars attend- 
ing them^ in England and Wales, in the Years 
1818, 1833, and 1851, together with the Popula- 
tion and Proportion of Scholars thereto in each 
of those Years. 







Day Schools. 








No. of Schools. 


No. of Scholars. 


1818. 


1833. 


1851. 


1818. 


1833. 


1851. 


19,230 


38,971 


46,042 


674,833 


1,276,947 


2,144,378 



Sunday Schools. 


No. of Schools. 


No. of Scholars. 


1818. 


1833. 


1851. 


1818. 


1833. 


1851. 


5,463 


16,828 


23,514 


477,225 


1,548,890 


2,407,642 



Population. 


1818. 


1833. 


1851. 


Estimated. 
11,642,683 


Estimated. 
14,386,415 


17,927,609 



338 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



TABLE XVII.— continued. 



Peopoetion of Scholaes to Population. 


Day Scholars. 


Sunday Scholars. 


1818. 


1833. 


1851. 


1818. 


1833. 


1851. 


One in 
17-25 


One in 
11-27 


One in 
8-36 


One in 
24-40 


One in 
9-28 


One in 

7-45 



Statement of the Number of Existing Schools^ in 
England and Wales, Established at each Period. 







No. of Schools. 


Date of Estabhshment. 


Total. 


Private. 


Public. 


Before 1801 . . 
1801—1811 
1811—1821 
1821—1831 
1831—1841 
1841—1851 

Date not specified 




3,363 
1,042 

2,207 
3,482 
7,467 
22,214 
6,267 


2,876 
599 
1,120 
1,265 
3,035 
5,454 
1,169 


487 
443 
1,087 
2,217 
4,432 
16,760 
5,098 


Total . . 




46,042 


15,518 


30,524 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



239 



TABLE XVIII. 

Number of Emigrants from the United Kingdom 
to various Destinations. 



Years. 


To the 

North 

American 

Colonies. 


To the 
United 
States. 


To the 

Australian 

Colonies 

and New 

Zealand. 


To other 
Places. 


Total. 


1800 


"^ Cannot 










to 


( be 










1819 


) specified. 










1820 


17,921 




1,063 




18,984 


1821 


12,470 




724 




13,194 


1822 


11,282 




1,067 




12,349 


1823 


8,133 


. . 


727 




8,860 


1824 


7,311 




899 




8,210 


1825 


8,741 


5,551 


485 


114 


14,891 


1826 


12,818 


7,063 , 


903 


116 


20,900 


1827 


12,648 


14,526 


715 


114 


28,003 


1828 


12,084 


12,817 


1,056 


135 


26,092 


1829 


13,307 


15,678 


2,016 


197 


31,198 


1830 


30,574 


24,887 


1,242 


204 


56,907 


1831 


58,067 


23,418 


1,561 


114 


83,160 


1832 


66,339 


32,872 


3,733 


196 


103,140 


1833 


28,808 


29,109 


4,093 


517 


62,527 


1834 


40,060 


33,074 


2,800 


288 


76,222 


1835 


15,573 


26,720 


1,860 


325 


44,478 


1836 


34,226 


37,774 


3,124 


293 


75,417 



240 STATISTICAL TABLES. 

TABLE XVIII.— continued. 



Years. 


To the 

North 

American 

Colonies. 


To the 
United 

States. 


To the 

Australian 

Colonies 

and New 

Zealand. 


To other 
Places. 


Total. 


1837 


29,884 


36,770 


5,054 


326 


72,034 


1838 


4,577 


14,332 


14,021 


292 


33,222 


1839 


12,638 


33,536 


15,786 


227 


62,207 


1840 


32,293 


40,642 


15,850 


1,958 


90,743 


1841 


38,164 


45,017 


32,625 


2,786 


118,592 


1842 


54,123 


63,852 


8,534 


1,835 


128,344 


1843 


23,518 


28,335 


3,478 


1,881 


57,212 


1844 


22,924 


43,660 


2,229 


1,873 


70,686 


1845 


31,803 


58,538 


830 


2,330 


93,501 


1846 


43,439 


82,239 


2,347 


1,826 


129,851 


1847 


109,680 


142,154 


4,949 


1,487 


258,270 


1848 


31,065 


188,233 


23,904 


4,887 


248,089 


1849 


41,367 


219,450 


32,191 


6,490 


299,498 


1850 


32,961 


223,078 


16,037 


8,773 


280,849 


1851 


42,605 


267,357 


21,532 


4,472 


335,966 


1852 


32,873 


244,261 


87,881 


3,749 


368,764 


1853 


34,249 


228,152 


63,460 


2,946 


328,807 



STATISTICAL TABLES. 



241 






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STATISTICAL TABLES. 



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APPENDIX. 



POLITICAL ECONOMY 

AND ITS PEACTICAL BEARINGS. 
(an histoeical sueyey.) 



Or all tlie modern sciences, Political Economy is the only 
one, the rise, progress, and full development of which, fall 
within the narrow space of a single century. Traces of 
the system, it is true, may be found in all ages and in all 
countries, wherever state and government had assumed 
the character of a consolidated power : but it was a 
system of scattered phases, of loose and unconnected 
parts, bearing hardly any relation to the vital question of 
national welfare at large. Among the ancient nations we 
do not discover any fixed principle, still less any es- 
tablished theory in the science, though some of their 
sages, and especially among the Greeks, haye furnished 
us with some important suggestions on money, capital, 
division of labour, &c. The contempt in which material 
labour was then held in private economy fully corre- 
sponded with the ancient views in national economy, 
which were shared even by those eminent men who had 
devoted the whole of their lives to politics. Again, in 
the Christian and Germanic Middle Ages, however differ- 

M 3 



250 POLITICAL ECONOxMY 

ent the marcli of intellectual development and the fun- 
damental laws of state and government may have been 
from those in the classical and barbarous ages, yet in 
political or national economy we can perceive no material 
difference from the views entertained by the ancient 
G-reeks ; indeed, the feudal laws of the Middle Ages afford 
even less scope for economical investigation than the 
pagan or barbarous laws of classical antiquity. 

The great revolution that has taken place during the 
first periods of our modern times, in the fundamental 
principles of state and government, naturally led to a 
change in the views on economical matters. Life itself, 
physical existence, and material labour, became subjects 
of investigation to the first theorists in Political Economy, 
The introduction and growing number of the standing 
armies, the long protracted wars, the extravagant and ex- 
pensive habits of the despotic courts, &c., had resulted 
in an increased demand for ready coin, while the quan- 
tities of precious metal brought from the new world had 
wrought a perfect revolution in the forms and means of 
intercourse, or in the medium of exchange as prevalent in 
the Middle Ages. The growing opulence of the towns by 
commerce, the way and means by which the precious 
metal was procured in exchange from the Spaniards, and 
the custom, that almost every family in the agricultural 
districts was to raise provisions in only small quantities, 
just sufficient to maintain its own members, were in 
themselves distinct and practical outlines for a better and 
more developed theory in Political Economy. The uniform 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 251 

character whicli all social relations bore at that time in 
the various states of Europe, and the sameness of end 
and object pursued bj the despotic monarchs of those 
periods, tended greatly to facilitate the establishment of 
a series of consecutive principles in some countries, by 
which a tolerably well digested theory was created in 
the science. Here and there we find writers treat- 
ing the same economical subjects in an analogous man- 
ner, and on similar principles, and by these means a 
sort of fixed laws of routine were introduced, which to 
a certain extent deserved the name of system. It was 
called the mercantile system, or unjustly, Colhertism, The 
principal doctrines of that system were : 

1st. The wealth of a country is measured by the quan- 
tity of the precious metal in her possession ; 

2ndly. Countries possessing no mines of gold or silver, 
ought to procure the precious metal chiefly by means of 
exchange for manufactures ; and 

Srdly. The larger the quantity of gold and silver which 
a country receives from abroad in exchange for her manu- 
factures, the more favourable is the balance of trade for 
that country. 

Measures were accordingly adopted to give practical 
efiect to those doctrines. They consisted in the prohi- 
bition to import manufactures on the one hand, and to 
export bullion and raw materials on the other, while 
foreign trade and home manufactures were greatly en- 
couraged by privileges, monopolies, premiums, and even 
advances in money on the part of governments. 



252 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

To the first eminent writers and advocates of the 
mercantile system belong, in Italy — Belloni, Genovesi, and 
Broggia ; in England — Thomas Man, Josiah Child, 
James Stewart, and Mortimer ; in Trance — J. P. Melon, 
and Forbonnais ; in Grermany — Klockins, Becher, W. von 
Schroder, von Justi, Sonnenfels, and Busch. 

The mercantile system, which apparently favours com- 
mercial wealth in preference to agricultural, soon found 
an opposition in the pTiysiocratic system founded by 
Quesnay (the physician in ordinary of Louis XV). Ac- 
cording to that system, the soil and its produce are 
alone to be considered as the source of national wealth, 
and agricultural pursuits as the only means to increase 
that wealth. National income must therefore be sought 
chiefly in the produce of the soil, since by the assistance 
of nature an excess of supply may be obtained over the 
demand of consumption, which excess forms the principal 
item in the revenue of a nation. Those who are occupied 
in agriculture constitute ihe productive classes in society, 
in contradistinction to all others, who may be designated 
as sterile, since they contribute little or nothing to 
the increase of national wealth, their operations being 
more apt to change the existing forms of social inter- 
course than to produce new things for society. 

The advocates of the physiocratic system therefore in- 
sist on the adoption of measures best adapted for the 
encouragement of agriculture, on the abolition of all 
such taxes and burdens as might prove a check on the 
progress of agriculture, on the equal division of the soil. 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 253 

and on free competition in trade and industry ; ^' laissez 
faire et laissez passer, ^^ being the watchword for home 
and foreign trade by the advocates of this system. 

As regards the state revenue, however, they admit that 
direct taxation on the land is the only justifiable means 
of levying supplies, since every other kind of public 
burden is after all but an indirect w^ay of taxing land or 
agriculture. 

The physiocratic system was founded and developed 
chiefly by the following writers : — In France by Quesnay, 
de Gournay, Mirabeau, M. de la Liviere, and Turgot; 
in Italy by Bandini, Pilangiere, Paoletti, and partly 
also by Beccaria (in his "Economical Lexicon," Milan, 
1769) ; in England by Lewis Eoberts, Dudley North, 
and John Locke ; in Germany by Schlettwein, Springer, 
Leopold Krug, Manvillon, Jung- Stilling, and Schmalz. 

In a scientific point of view, the physiocrats occupy 
a far superior position to the mercantilists. They not 
only exposed the fallacies of the latter, but in their in- 
vestigation into the sources of public or national wealth 
they cleared up the fundamental principles of Political 
Economy, and at all events settled for ever the question 
about the productive powers of the soiL They success- 
fully opened the campaign against the obsolete forms of 
the Middle Ages in trade, economy, and industry, and 
paved the way for the dogmas of Eree Trade and Com- 
petition ; they defined the real nature of money, and 
gave the first impulse to the analysis of distribution of 
property. But though the system has brought to light 



254 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

a series of truths which, are acknowledged even to this 
day, the basis upon which it is built, the maxim that 
" no labour is productive or of any value, if it be not 
applied to the land and soil/' is in itself false and erro- 
neous, as will be seen in the sequel. 

There can be no doubt that the arguments and doc- 
trines of the physiocrats exercised great influence on 
Adam Smith, the founder of the real science of Political 
Economy. The new doctrine induced him in 1765 to 
repair to Paris for the purpose of hearing the lectures of 
Quesnay, to whom he subsequently dedicated his own 
celebrated work. The investigations of Adam Smith 
have the merit of forming the ground-work for subse- 
quent researches in Economy. Smith explains that 
money and agricultural produce represent but a portion 
of national property, such property, as he argues, consist- 
ing in the collective means of satisfying the necessities 
of a nation, in the resources of labour no less than in 
the improvements of the soil. National property, he 
contends, has, besides its useful employment, an ex- 
changeable value also, the result of human labour, which 
invests things originally in themselves of no use, with a 
certain value on account of the available usefulness into 
which they have been converted. The wealth of a 
nation consists in the sum total of the exchangeable 
values which they possess or produce, labour being the 
primary source of that wealth. Human labour regulates 
and increases the productive power of the soil, and gives 
birth to gain in commerce and the production of manu- 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 255 

factures. Labour in whatever shape, whether applied to 
agriculture, industry, or commerce, is productive, and 
moreover the only vehicle to supply the people with 
necessaries. The natural price or value of commodities 
is determined by the amount of labour applied to their 
production, while the market price or value is dependent 
on accidental circumstances, and more especially on the 
relation between demand and supply. Barter is nothing 
else but the interchange of the quantities of labour con- 
tained in the respective goods. Price, properly speaking, 
is the proportion between two values of exchange ex- 
pressed by money, i.e., by a certain rate agreed upon by 
two parties (the seller and the buyer) in the medium of 
exchange. Ever since landed property has been intro- 
duced, the natural price of commodities exists no longer 
in wages or the reward of labour alone, but in three dif- 
ferent factors. There are three shareholders who parti- 
cipate in the price : the agriculturist, the capitalist, and 
the labourer. The proportion between the three shares, 
rent, interest, and wages, depends on and varies with cir- 
cumstances. Adam Smith establishes laws by which 
that proportion is determined. Wages depend partly on 
the price of provisions or necessaries of life, and partly 
on the relation between supply and demand (supply by 
the labourer, and demand by the capitalist), a relation on 
which also the extent of gain of capital or money inte- 
rest depends. "Wages and money interest stand in an 
inverse ratio to each other, as also to the extent at which 
capital and labour stand in need of each other. The 



256 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

more a country abounds in capital, tlie liiglier will be tbe 
rate of wages, and the less tbe interest on money. Bent, 
finally, is determined by tbe price and quantity of tbe 
produce of the soil. 

The whole amount of the annual income of a nation is 
thus redistributed amongst the three productive classes — 
labourers, landowners, and capitalists — in the proportion 
and at the rate at which they have respectively partici- 
pated in the production of the commodities. The signs 
of national prosperity are a low rate of interest , and high 
rate of rent and wages. The rate of interest always de- 
creases with the increase of commodities, or capital. The 
accumulation of capital or commodities may arise either 
from a decrease in the unproductive portion of the popu- 
lation, so that home consumption is diminished, or from 
improvements wrought in the various branches of in- 
dustry. The latter is most effectually accomplished by a 
thorough system of division of labour, which, though 
capable of vast extension, is nevertheless limited by the 
degree of demand in the market. The grand feature of 
Adam Smith's work is his investigation into the principles 
of division of labour, the surprising results of which he 
observed in real life ; to this class naturally belongs, also, 
the simplification of labour by machinery, which enables 
one single individual to perform the work of many. Al- 
most every theory established by Adam Smith is founded 
upon experience and practical observation, and no wonder 
that every page in his work treats of the relations of real 
and practical life. His expositions of the circulating 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 257 

medium, of banking and credit institutions, his arguments 
on taxation and public revenue, are not less practical dis- 
cussions than scientific researches of a high order into 
the principles of Free Trade and unrestricted competition. 
The result of Free Trade, he contends, is to level the 
market price to the standard of the natural price of com- 
modities, that is, to level the market price to the lowest 
figure of cheapness ; and, though selfish motives are the 
only stimulus of private undertakings or industry, he is 
nevertheless of opinion that free competition is the best 
and shortest way to secure the general welfare of a nation. 
Adam Smith does not, however, advocate absolute and 
unrestricted Eree Trade in all cases ; on the contrary, he 
points out a few instances (such as the Navigation Laws) 
where restrictions and retaliatory measures are not only 
justifiable, but even necessary. 

The " "Wealth of Nations" excited great attention on its 
first appearance in this country, and formed, for a long 
time after, a compendium for all lectures and discussions 
on subjects connected with Political Economy. A con- 
temporary opponent to Smith's doctrines, a Mr. Powell 
(in his letter to Adam Smith, London, 1776), had much 
difficulty in obtaining a hearing from the public, as did also 
Gray, Lauderdale, and Jeremiah Joyce. But with the ex- 
tension of the relations in practical life, new elements 
were called into action, which Adam Smith had entirely 
omitted. The concentration of capital had kept equal 
pace with the progress of division of labour and invention 
of machinery ; and it thus happened that while private 



258 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

wealth rapidly increased, a vast number of unemployed 
labourers bad become a burden to their parishes and 
charitable institutions. A new question then arose as to 
the means of reconciling the two conflicting facts — 
increasing wealth with increasing poverty, Eobert Mal- 
thus then advanced, in his " Essay on Population" (Lon- 
don, 1806), a series of remarkable inquiries concerning 
the causes of the above phenomena, and found that poli- 
tical institutions had nothing to do with the distress of 
the labouring classes, which is rather the result of a law 
of Nature. He showed that the power of unlimited pro- 
duction, so manifest in JSTature, prevails also, and with 
double force, in the human race ; that the human race 
multiplies in a geometrical progression, while the neces- 
saries of life increase only in an arithmetical. He con- 
siders, therefore, over-population to be the sole cause 
of public distress, an evil which Nature herself endea- 
vours to remedy by removing the excess of population by 
means of famine, pestilence, and other destructive agen- 
cies. Poor-laws and charitable institutions, according to 
him, are not only unavailable and unprofitable instru- 
ments for arresting the evil, but are actually set up 
in defiance of the destructive principles of lenevolent 
Nature, to the sheer encouragement of poor and care- 
less parents to beget children. 

This particular branch of Political Economy has cer- 
tainly been overlooked by Adam Smith. The doctrines 
of Malthus attained a certain extent of popularity in a 
period of war and commotion, when want of charity as- 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 259 

sumed the gloss of a law of JSTature, and justified the coun- 
try and legislature, on scientific grounds, in relaxing in 
measures of charity and assistance, and no one stopped 
to inquire what proof could be adduced from practical 
life in support of Malthus' premises of the geometrical 
and arithmetical progressions of the two exponents—- 
food and population. Even the instances he cited from 
North America are not borne out by actual facts, and 
could, even if true, only be accepted as exceptional. 

Nearly all the valuable works on Political Economy in 
this country owe their origin to practical questions of the 
day or to the emergencies of the times. No wonder that 
their infiuence extends even to the debates and enact- 
ments of Parliament. To the critical condition of the 
Bank of England under Pitt, at the close of the last 
century, we owe several important works and treatises on 
all relations connected with money, currency, banking 
systems, and even the National Debt, though significant 
suggestions on these points had already previously been 
thrown out by Adam Smith. Among the more noted 
writers on these subjects are Thornton, Cobbett, Eicardo, 
Mill, Senior, and M'Culloch. The agitation against the 
Corn Laws, also, gradually settled itself into a fixed theory 
on Eree Trade and competition generally. Adam Smith 
advocated Free Trade only conditionally, while Eicardo 
and his school have furthered the theory to an unlimited 
extent, and it was legislated upon by Huskisson and Peel. 

The mercantile system never attained any degree of 
popularity in Erance, though it originated in that country ; 



260 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

the development of that theory being greatly checked 
there by the new opinions of the physiocrats, which the 
French people cherished with revolutionary enthusiasm, 
despite its admitted inaptness for practical life. The 
^* "Wealth of Nations" also created great sensation in 
France. It was translated in 1790 by Eoucher (with 
critical notes by Condorcet), and already, in 1809, another 
translation appeared (with critical notes by Garnier). 
The work of Canard ('^Principes d'economie politique," 
Paris, 1801) is an echo of Adam Smith's opinions, 
while the first edition of Say's (Traite d'economie 
politique," &c.) is a full acknowledgment of Smith's 
theories. In the fifth edition of his work (Paris, 1822), 
Say professes to elucidate some new points on the 
principles of distribution of social wealth, but without 
much success. Say and his school have, upon the whole, 
greatly overrated their own merits and scientific position 
as opposed to Adam Smith, though it cannot be denied 
that to Say the science of Political Economy owes much of 
its present development ; neither are the critical notes 
appended by him to the new translation of Eicardo by 
Constancio and Fontegrand (Paris, 1847), more calcu- 
lated to raise his position even in front of Eicardo. Say, 
in the true style and taste of his countrymen, talks a 
great deal of the necessity of seeing aU members of 
society happy, content, and comfortable, though he adopts 
the doctrines of Malthus in their fullest rigour, and 
declares them to be founded on the soundest and most 
indubitable facts and arguments. In all questions relat- 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 261 

ing to the conflicting interests between labour and capital, 
his opinion is invariably too much in favour of the latter 
classes. His great popularity he owes chiefly to his clear 
and demonstrative diction, as also to the facility with 
which he brings a confused mass of scientific notions 
into order and method. The subject of labour ^ on 
which Adam Smith so greatly enlarges, is reduced by 
Say to a much narrower compass ; he assigns to wealth 
the three comprehensive sources of labour — agriculture, 
industry, and commerce — whose main instruments of 
production are the soil and capital. In the later editions 
of his work. Say justly finds fault with Adam Smith for not 
enumerating also, among the component parts of national 
wealth, the moral values of natural talent and acquired 
skill, though his arguments on the subject are but of little 
worth. He curiously enough deduces the productiveness 
of mental labour, from the fact that it is remunerated 
with exchangeable value of a material description. He 
takes much credit to himself for having fixed and defined 
the real boundaries of Political Economy, in excluding 
from its sphere all investigations on politics, government, 
and statistics. But all his positive arguments on these 
points contribute but little to the confirmation of his 
views, while his notions on statistics are even below 
criticism. He entirely shuts out man from his Economy, 
and regards Politics and Political Economy as two dis- 
tinct departments, having no connection with each other ; 
he looks — and no wonder that he looks — for instance, 
upon the clerical class as mere useless drones in 



263 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

the social hive. Say continually proclaims to Govern- 
ments his maxim of " laissez faire, laisses passer, ^"^ as a 
panacea for all public and private evils. This is the 
favourite theme on which he touches in every discussion, 
showing that the various interests of nations are not ar- 
rayed against each other in hostile opposition ; that a loss 
incurred by one nation does not tend to benefit another, 
because, in an economical point of view, trade and inter- 
course are a concern in which all nations participate alike 
as partners. Money, with him, is but the representative 
of products ; no country can supply more than it pro- 
duces, and if selling is prohibited a stop is put on buy- 
ing. The doctrines of the balance of trade he considers 
erroneous, because in commercial intercourse the advan- 
tages are mutual ; and since luying is the consequence of 
selling, the losses sustained by one nation through bad 
crops, scarcity, &c., must necessarily recoil on the other 
nations who, in receiving less supply from that country 
where scarcity prevails, have also less to give in exchange 
for their ovni productions. 

The socialist writers of France are against the princi- 
ples of free competition, or the maxim of laissez faire 
and laissez aller ; nor do they concur in the assump- 
tion that distribution of profit will equalise itself 
in the natural course of things. Between the two 
extremes a new phalanx of writers has formed itself, 
whose standing-point is the assumption that free compe- 
tition is the principal cause of public distress ; that a 
great number of individuals do not receive their due 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 263 

share in the national income, as at present distributed. 
Lemontey drew attention (in his "Eaison et Eolie," 
Paris, 1804) to the fact that the increase of the division 
of labour tends to diminish the mental faculties of the 
labouring classes, and to weaken, moreover, the aggregate 
of their physical powers by the undue and overstraining 
development of some few muscles only. The individual 
labourer, he further asserts, becomes also wholly de- 
pendent thereby on his master or employer, who pays 
him for the use of a few of his muscles, paralysing all 
the other limbs of the body, which might otherwise 
be likewise exerted for use and labour. Pree compe- 
tition, he continues, also tends to frustrate all exer- 
tions on the part of smaller capitalists, by concen- 
trating into the hands of larger capitalists every profit- 
able undertaking and speculation. Economy based upon 
such egotism renders money the standard measure for 
everything, cripples the middle class in society, and 
with it all the modern advantages connected with its 
existence. The extent of labour ought always to be in 
proportion to the quantity of production. An excess of 
the latter depreciates labour, while a defective supply 
discourages it ; and since division of labour usually re- 
sults in an increase of production and decrease of la- 
bour, the due proportion between the two elements is 
thereby destroyed. 

Sismondi, in the first edition of his work ("De la 
E/ichesses Commerciale," &c.), seems to concur in the 
principal views of Adam Smith, while in the later edi- 



264 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

tions lie adds tlie observation, tliat since material wealth 
is so closely connected with public welfare at large, and 
since public welfare cannot be attained by the selfish 
and arbitrary operation of the individual, a certain con- 
trol ought to be conceded to Grovernment to render the 
distribution of property more in harmony with the gene- 
ral welfare of a nation. In his still later writings, 
however, he manifests a decided bias towards Socialism, 
The increased supply of production he considers only 
beneficial, and to be regarded as real property, w^hen 
it gives rise to a corresponding consumption. Economy 
in the means of production he also considers an improve- 
ment, only when it does not tend to diminish the income 
of each and all who are occupied with the production. 
In the modern system of vast and almost over-produc- 
tion he sees advantages only accruing to the indus- 
trial capitalists or large manufacturers, to the injury of 
the working-classes — icMte negroes, as he calls them — 
whose misery, especially in England, Sismondi describes 
in glowing, perhaps exaggerated language. He also en- 
larges on the abuses of the paper currency, on the perils 
of credit bills, on the baneful influence of free competi- 
tion and machinery, and, in short, on the dark side of 
modern inventions in all industry. 

Also Joseph Droy, Le Comte Dunoyer, Blanqui, Cheva- 
lier, Eambol, and other Erench Economists, have found it 
necessary to take into serious consideration the principle 
of the distribution of social wealth. They have devoted 
particular chapters in their works to the condition of the 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 265 

labouring classes, and the connection between increasing 
wealtb and the moral improvement of the people, while, 
on the other hand, they have attempted to prove that 
the cause of the present sufferings of the poorer classes 
is not to be sought exclusively in the great development 
of the industrial system ; that some of the evils com- 
plained of, are either individual and isolated instances, 
or unavoidable consequences of our social condition; 
and that, to appeal to the State for the removal of 
such evils, is to misapprehend the real sphere of opera- 
tion allotted to the State. 

This fraction of Trench writers, however, the deeper 
they have gone into the subject, the more do they begin 
to perceive that the favourite theories of the ultra- 
Socialists require much pruning and reform before 
they can be put into sober practice ; since, however dif- 
ferent may be the views of the various schools of So- 
cialism on certain special doctrines, they all agree in the 
general radical principle, that an organised community 
and their head, under whatever name or form they may 
appear, are in possession of a sovereign power to control 
even individual liberty and free action among the various 
members, for the benefit of society at large. These fun- 
damental views, as also certain doctrines on commerce, 
money, capital, interest, &c,, form an uninterrupted 
chain of discussions in the Erench literature of Economy, 
from St. Simon, Eourrier, Louis Blanc, and Cabets, 
down to the writers of the present moment. The Pe- 
bruary revolution has given a new stimulus to the que»- 

N 



266 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

tion about tlie claims of tlie working classes ; indeed, the 
fundamental principles of Adam Smith, for the realisa- 
tion of general welfare, have gradually gained more 
ground in Prance, and paved the way to a general con- 
viction that the question of economical production, by in- 
dividuals as well as by whole nations, can as little as any 
other question on human and civil operations be sepa- 
rated from that of the moral ends of man and society at 
large. 

Proudhon, though he was for a long time considered 
as a staunch advocate of Communism, appeared at last an 
opponent to the positive doctrines of the Socialist writers, 
and not less to the school of Adam Smith, to whose 
theories he imputes the present distress of the working 
classes. Proudhon professes to occupy a medium posi- 
tion between Socialism, which taxes the rich to the ad- 
vantage of the poor, and Political Economy, which taxes 
the poor to the advantage of the rich, while in fact his 
own system is of an absolute and merely negative cha- 
racter. He tries to demolish all other systems, without 
establishing any positive theories of his own. Proudhon 
found a successful opponent in Bastiat, especially on 
the question of rent and capital. 

Italy may unquestionably be considered the cradle 
of Political Economy. Custodi has published (Milan, 
1804) a collection of all the economical works of his 
country, from 1582 to 1803, while Count Pechio has 
added to it a supplement of the works from 1804 to 1832. 
It is almost surprising to see the isolated position occu- 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 267 

pied by the Italian Economists, on whose minds the 
Erench and English schools seem to have exercised no 
influence whatever. The reason of this phenomenon lies, 
no doubt, in the character of the people, and the political 
position of the country. The national spirit of Italy has 
always stood in violent opposition to the absolute domi- 
nion of the foreign princes who ruled over that unhappy 
country. The economical literature of Italy has been, 
therefore, continually directed towards an indirect ex- 
posure and criticism of the Grovernment's measures. 
Hence the peculiar character of the Italian works on 
Political Economy, which bear rather the stamp of essays 
on some particular or incidental question of the day, 
than theories on the fundamental principles of the 
science generally; and Ganith is therefore not wrong 
when he says, in his quaint style, that " Italy has ever 
been famous for having the worst money and the hest 
works on it ;'* hence, also, the phenomenon that Italy's 
best writers on Economy have always lived in those 
provinces which were worst governed ; neither does it 
less explain the cosmopolitan character so manifest in 
the Italian writings on political subjects. Not imbued 
with any love or predilection for their native institu- 
tions as established by the foreign rulers of their 
country, the Italian writers care but little for them in 
particular ; they treat Political Economy on purely social 
or cosmopolitan principles, for the benefit of the human 
race at large. Civil and political liberty is so closely 
connected with economical truths, that it forms the 

N 3 



268 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

standing-point of all their views on economical tbeories. 
National wealth is with the Italian writers but of 
secondary importance, and they have therefore contri- 
buted but little towards the development of the system 
generally, though it must be admitted that they have fur- 
nished us with some admirable essays on special subjects. 
In Grermany, the powerful influence of Adam Smith 
was unmistakeable. Before the appearance of the 
*' Wealth of IN^ations," the want of systematic doctrines 
was there supplied by aphoristic principles and practical 
routine, while her Economists strictly adhered either to 
the mercantile or physiocratic system in the literal sense 
and terms, as taught abroad. JSTo sooner, however, had 
the inquiries about the nature and causes of national 
wealth become known in Germany, than they were 
almost unaniraously approved of and accepted by her 
Economists. Eut though the number of implicit adhe- 
rents to those doctrines of Adam Smith is still very 
great there, the English school, generally speaking, has 
roused a spirit of original investigation in that coun- 
try. The Grerman mind is cool, collected, and impar- 
tial ; it is not biassed by general admiration or the gloss 
of novelty ; the German searches for truth wherever he 
is likely to find it, even amidst the obsolete notions and 
prejudices of the Middle Ages. It thus happened, that 
the new doctrines of Smith and his school have given 
rise in Germany to attempts either to reconcile the 
new theories with the antagonistic principles of the 
old schools, or to develop original notions in opposition 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 269 

to eitlier. Among the great changes wrought by the 
first French Eevolution in public opinion, and the 
forms of State and G-overnment, the most conspicuous 
and lasting were those produced in the sphere of social 
life, wealth and property. The effects of the decree 
of the National Assembly on the night of the 4th of 
August, 1789, lasted throughout the reign of the Em- 
peror and the Eestoration. But it was in reality the 
doctrines of Adam Smith, which forced their way amidst 
many and violent impediments, like a volcanic eruption, 
to the French shores. But the calamities of the Eevo- 
lution had produced a reaction in the public mind, of 
which the adherents of the old regime were not slow to 
take advantage. They gradually tried to regain the lost 
ground under the disguise of new forms and names, or 
even a spirit of improvement. Neither was that reaction 
less manifest in the branches of Political Economy, where 
views and theories were about to be introduced in direct 
opposition to the spirit of the Eevolution and its Propa- 
ganda (the doctrines of Adam Smith), and more in har- 
mony with those of the feudal system of the Middle Ages. 
Adam Miiller was the first who published, at the be- 
ginning of the present centtiry, a positive criticism on 
the doctrines of Adam Smith, in which he opposed to 
them others, based on quite different laws and premises. 
Much as there is fallacious and even absurd in his own 
system, Miiller nevertheless has the merit of having 
brought to light many vulnerable points in his opponent. 
Miiller' s fundamental views of State and Government 



270 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

differ materially from tliose of his predecessors. In 
direct opposition to those who see in the State only the 
vehicle for promoting individual or private interest, he 
thinks with the ancients that the individual exists only in 
connection with the community. Man, he says, exists 
only as a citizen ; and according to his belief the political 
institutions of the Middle Ages realised the true notion 
of State, Peace, and Liberty. Miiller objects to the 
modern theories in Economy, and finds fault with Adam 
Smith for attempting to destroy all moral powers and 
faculties in the State, by considering only the economy of 
things^ by establishing only the theory of motley, of indi- 
vidual and private property, to the utter exclusion of the 
existence of a nation as a nation, as an unit by itself, and 
as a moral link between the various generations. Adam 
Smith, he exclaims, has regard only for the temporary 
production of and for individuals, but not for productions 
to be preserved for future generations ; Adam Smith 
only cares for temporal and material productions, but not 
for intellectual and still less for rational enjoyments and 
the refinement of public taste. I^either is his principle 
of division of labour perfectly correct, since he derives it 
from the natural propensity of man to barter and ex- 
change; while, according to his own (Miiller' s) views, 
it arises chiefly from the vast stock of productions of 
labour and capital accumulated in the preceding gene- 
rations ; nor is division of lahour, he thinks, a complete 
doctrine in itself, since it lacks the supplementary 
part of union of lahour, Adam Smith is moreover only 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 271 

acquainted with material capital, but not with the in- 
tellectual or rational, which is preserved among all na- 
tions bj language, and is thereby converted into public 
property, such as, capital of national wisdom, science, 
feeling, character, and experience, which descend and 
increase from generation to generation. Mliller also 
shows that the doctrines of Adam Smith, though they 
may possess a certain practical value for England, 
under the special relations and conditions peculiar to 
that island, are, so far as the Continent is concerned, 
totally useless and even impracticable. The continent 
of Europe, he says, stands in need of an economical 
system, treating of the national character of com- 
modities rather than of their exchangeable value ; ana- 
lysing the true wealth of nations, the productions of 
national power, rather than the amount of private riches 
in indivividual productions ; pointing to the uniform de- 
velopment of national supply at the side of national con- 
sumption, of national concentration of labour at the side 
of its division, and of moral capital at the side of mate- 
rial. According to Miiller, the economy of a people is 
founded upon labour, the result of mutual necessities, 
while national wealth consists of all things and persons 
that may prove useful in society in some shape or other. 
The quality or means by which certain persons or things 
are brought into economical intercourse with other per- 
sons or things, he calls money, and its rate he denomi- 
nates exchangeable value. 

The elements of production are, with Mliller — land, 



272 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

labour, physical and intellectual operations. These four 
elements correspond with the relations of the medisDval 
States, and their four classes in society — the industrial, 
the learned, the military, and the commercial. To pre- 
serve the harmony of the organic whole, a constant, ani- 
mated, and reciprocal intercourse must take place between 
these elements; but in modern times, that harmony 
has been broken by division of labour, by the supremacy 
of material capital, which lowers labour to mere mecha- 
nical function, splits up land and estates into objects of 
money speculation, and holds out some future gain and 
profit, at the expense of national harmony in feelings, 
and the consequence is, the degeneration of the whole 
political life of a nation. Miiller is decidedly not wrong 
on many points. Society, so mechanically conglome- 
rated by Adam Smith, is certainly not only an unhis- 
torical phenomenon, but also devoid of all moral ends. 
Nations are indeed individualised, both historically and 
geographically, and there dwells in their respective or- 
ganisms a peculiar spirit of rational power, which gives 
edge and point to their physical exertions. Material life 
forms but one part of the whole existence of a nation. 
It cannot and it ought not to be severed from the highest 
ends of social and political union, nor realised in an iso- 
lated manner. Neither is it less true that, in the same 
way as the present generation avails itself profitably of 
the labours of past ages, in like manner will the opera- 
tions of the present generation benefit our descendants ; 
so that we ought, in all our efibrts and exertions, to con- 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 273 

sider not only tlie temporary benefit accruing from 
them, but also and chiefly liow far future generations 
may eventually profit by them. But, on the other 
hand, MUUer is widely mistaken when he speaks of 
the forms and institutions of the Middle Ages as fit 
models for an ideal State, and best calculated to improve 
the condition of society, even in the present age. 
At no time was union of action and purpose less pre- 
valent than in the Middle Ages, when the various guilds 
and corporations acted as rivals and even foes towards 
each other, each having at heart its own interests, in 
opposition to and even to the injury of all other classes 
of society. The mediaeval forms of social life were only 
suited for the Middle Ages ; indeed, the whole of their 
moral capital, the whole of their historical traditions and 
experience, had already survived the spirit and were 
about to expire altogether, at the very period when 
MUUer fancied he had discovered in them the elements of 
an ideal State. 

Frederick List was a far more formidable, because a 
more practical, opponent of ^Adam Smith. The theory 
of List is replete with practical questions and arguments. 
He, too, finds fault with Adam Smith for his tendencies 
to cosmopolitism, materialism, and individualism. But, 
in direct opposition to Miiller, List insists on the develop- 
ment of industry, the monetary system, and all the other 
useful inventions of modern times, declaring that the 
power of the State, and national union, ought to be ren- 
dered available for individual interest and happiness; 

N 3 



274 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

that tlie English system in commerce and industry ouglit 
to be introduced into all countries of Europe; and that 
the economical forms of the Middle Ages should be con- 
signed to eternal oblivion. 

The starting-point of List is nationality — nation as an 
independent existence, as a peculiar organism, occupying 
a position between the individual and the human race at 
large. Progressive civilisation of the whole human race, 
as also the happiness of the individual, are, according to 
his opinion, equally dependent on the development of 
nationality. In all places and at all times, as he teaches, 
have, on the one hand, the intelligence, morality, and 
industry of the individual kept pace with the pros- 
perity of the nation, while the wealth of the nation 
has, on the other hand, increased or decreased with 
those virtues of the individual ; but nowhere have 
the industry, economy, spirit of invention, and under- 
taking of the individual, produced anything great and 
important if they were not properly supported by 
civil liberty, public institutions, administration of justice, 
foreign policy, and more especially by national power 
and union. History also shows, he argues, that the in- 
dividual draws the greatest part of his productive power 
from social combinations and institutions. So much, 
therefore, depends on the development of practical na- 
tionality, that it ought necessarily to be preferred to 
individual interests whenever they come in antagonistic 
contact. Division of lalour, in a national point of view, 
depends on national confederation of the productive 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 275 

powers, wUle the wealth of a nation does not consist of 
the quantity of the productive values of exchange in its 
possession, hut in the manifoldness, variety, and due 
balance of the productive powers. Adam Smith and his 
school only treat of the theory of the exchangeable 
values, while List treats of the theory of the productive 
powers, on the development of which, he says, everything 
depends. The economical powers of a series of successive 
generations must be directed towards the accomplish- 
ment of one and the same end, though some momentary 
loss or sacrifice in the exchangeable values may be the 
result at some of the intervening periods. In a country 
abounding in national resources, all the powers of the 
State, the natural (the soil), the personal (labour), and 
instrumental (capital), oiight to develop, in an equal ratio, 
agriculture, industry, and commerce. The industrial or 
manufactural power, however, acts more vigorously than 
any other upon the progress of civilisation, hj promoting 
more directly and more rapidly the moral, political, and 
economical prosperity of a nation. The countries of the 
temperate zone are best calculated, and even called upon 
by nature, to cultivate and develop the manufactural 
power, while those of the torrid zone possess a natural 
monopoly for agricultural produce. Universal trade is 
therefore, with List, a commercial intercourse, chiefly 
between the countries of the two zones. In history, List 
professes to find that the nations of the temperate zone, 
who are endowed by nature with all the elements re- 
quisite for attaining the highest end of civilisation, had 



276 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

progressed from the primitive state of a pastoral life, or 
barbarity, to that of agriculture ; thence again to industry 
and manufacture, and finally also to commerce. He 
shows that nations must vary their systems with the 
stages of their civilisation. Tree trade and intercourse 
with more advanced nations will advance a barbarous 
nation to the stage of agriculture ; at this period it will 
be advisable for them to introduce a restrictive system in 
their foreign trade, in order to encourage native industry 
and home manufactures, fisheries, and external commerce ; 
but having at last arrived at the third and highest stage 
of commerce, wealth and power, they may gradually re- 
trace their steps to free trade and unrestricted competi- 
tion, in order to guard the farmer, manufacturer, and 
merchant against indolence, and stimulate them to per- 
severe in the acquired preponderance. Spain, Portugal, 
and Naples stand at present on the first stage (agricul- 
ture), Germany and North America on the second (in- 
dustry), England on the third (commerce and power J, 
while France occupies a medium station between the 
second and third. Germany and North America stand 
therefore in need of a protective system in trade and 
navigation, should they ever aspire to advance to the 
third and final stage. Protective duties, it is true, tend 
to raise the price of commodities, but the rise is only of 
a temporary nature ; free competition at home will soon 
level and even lower it far under the rate of the previous 
periods of free trade, when the natural price of goods 
brought from abroad had been artificially enhanced by 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 277 

tlie cost of freight, charges, commission, &c. Moreover, 
the loss that may thereby accrue to the exchangeable 
values, is even more than compensated by the increase 
of the productive powers resulting from the protective 
system. 

List belongs to those prominent men whom it is im- 
possible to praise without censure, or censure without 
praise. He lays great stress on the economical history of 
the nations, and allots to it a considerable space in his 
great work, simply because he founds upon it the greatest 
part of his deductions against the theories of his oppo- 
nents, over whom he certainly stands superior in histo- 
rical argumentation, though many of his historical results 
are quite unhistorical. Among these are his details 
about the special development of certain countries, and 
economical stages or gradations of material civilisation, 
which he thinks he has discovered in the history of na- 
tions. In the variety of national life we recognise none 
of those standard stages so distinctly pointed out by 
List ; the nature and degree of development are not the 
same with all nations, since much depends on circum- 
stances and incidental influences ; neither is List more 
correct in subjecting the collective powers of the state or 
society to the service of individual purposes, and thus 
entirely losing sight of the moral tendency of state and 
government. 

This oversight is the more surprising in a man who 
always lays great weight on nationality as opposed to 



278 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

individuality, and endeavours on every occasion to link 
together economical vritli political life. 

In the various writings of this indefatigable man, we 
are enabled to trace step by step the development of his 
doctrines. It is beyond all doubt, that his theory of the 
productive powers, in opposition to that of exchangeable 
values, owes its origin to his previous views on the 
necessity of protective duties. Eut after aU, where is 
the difierence between the two theories ? Exchangeable 
values are the result or effect of productive powers, and 
how can they — cause and effect — ^be separated in a scien- 
tific theory ? Does not exchangeable value, the effect, 
become in its turn a new cause for new effects ? And, 
granted that the productive powers have been neglected, 
does it follow that the exchangeable values ought there- 
fore to be precluded from aU consideration ? This is, 
however, not the proper place for minute criticism of his 
views and doctrines. 

To characterise more categorically his system of pro- 
ductive powers as opposed to that of the exchangeable 
values. List calls his own economy political, and that of 
Adam Smith cosmopolitical, Adam Smith has applied his 
principle of division of labour also to whole nations, and 
according to his views of international division of labour, 
every country or nation is called upon to produce labour 
in some branch of the aggregate department of the 
labour of the whole world. The effects of that labour 
may be best exchanged in values by the system of Pree 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 279 

Trade, as nations, like individuals, naturally seek for 
markets where tkej may buy cheap and sell dear. Thus 
every nation, according to Adam Smith, fulfils uncon- 
sciously its calling and mission of contributing to the 
general supply of labour, though in so doing it thinks 
only to gratify its own interest. List, however, observes 
that this sort of cosmopolitical division of labour is 
founded upon the idea of universal and lasting peace 
among the nations of the world, which, though it may 
constitute the ultimate end of humanity, is under pre- 
sent circumstances, and will probably remain for a long 
time to come, a sheer chimera, a Utopian dream. In 
the present state of the world, and even as a means to 
promote that ultimate end of humanity, it is necessary 
to consolidate national independence, to equalise as 
much as possible the civilisation of all the countries in 
the temperate zone, and to introduce national instead of 
international or cosmopolitical division of labour; and 
when that object has been obtained by means of a pro- 
tective system, Free Trade may then be safely re-in- 
troduced without any fear of entailing injury on com- 
merce. 

Here, also. List meets a one-sided view with another 
not less so. Every nation, it is true, has a certain inward 
calling for industrial production of a general character, 
while external circumstances may even compel them to 
act up to that calling ; but it is not less true, that every 
nation possesses a particular skill and refined sense for 



280 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

some special branch of industry in which it excels and 
shines superior to all other nations occupied with the 
same. Thus, were it even possible to educate equally 
and independently all nations of the temperate zone, 
there would always be some branches in labour or indus- 
try in which certain nations would rise superior to the 
others ; and this superiority, instead of realising universal 
peace and economy, must, on the contrary, give rise to 
rivalry and hostile competition in their foreign trade. 

"With all his faulty notions, however, List has the merit 
of having, in his discussions about protective duties, 
shown the untenable ground upon which Adam Smith 
partly builds his arguments on Free Trade. List proves 
beyond doubt, that the net income of a nation does not, 
as Adam Smith fancies, consist solely in the amount of 
exchangeable values which every individual produces. He 
likewise proves that the diminution of that net income is 
not an absolute loss to the nation, and that general wel- 
fare is not best promoted by every individual consulting 
his own selfish interests in the sphere of economy. We 
must also give him credit for the skill with which he has 
drawn historical argumentation into the field of discus- 
sion, has pointed out politics as an important element in 
economy, has laid stress on the various stages in civilisa- 
tion and state relations, and contributed generally, by his 
mode of reasoning, to the advance of the science, how- 
ever defective in parts the results of his own system 
may be. 



AND ITS PRACTICAL BEARINGS. 281 

Thougli banislied from his own country, he cherished 
the interests of his fatherland even in the coal mines of 
]N'orth America, where he pronounced the prophetic 
words : " If ever national interests are to be promoted in 
Germany by means of theories in Political Economy, they 
(the theories) must descend from the garret studies of 
the learned, from the rostrums of the professors, and from 
the cabinets of high state functionaries, into the counting- 
houses of the manufacturers, merchants, capitalists, and 
bankers, into the offices of all lawyers and functionaries, 
as also into the dwellings of the farmer and landholder ; 
they must, in short, become the public property of all 
educated classes in society." 

Indeed, ever since his time, ever since that great agi- 
tator in Economy began his operations, a new branch of 
literature has sprung up in Germany, established and 
conducted, not by the professors of the universities (as 
used to be the case), but by men of practical routine and 
vforldly pursuits, which promises far better results than 
the abstract essays of professional lecturers. 

The besetting sin of nearly all the writers on economical 
subjects, is their claim to absolute truths. They all pro- 
fess to lay down rules and principles for the indiscrimi- 
nate guidance of all countries and for all ages, without 
regard to national, historical, and geographical peculiari- 
ties. The prohibitive system of the mercantilists, the 
free trade system of the physiocrats, the cosmopolitan 
theory of division of labour by the school of Adam Smith, 



382 POLITICAL ECONOMY 

the national division of labour of Frederick List, the 
mediaeval ideal institutions of Adam Miiller, and even 
tlie organisation plans of the Socialists, have all one fault 
in common, the presumption of wishing to establish fixed, 
stationary, and absolute principles incapable of modifi- 
cation. The radical and geographical conditions of na- 
tions are in themselves a tacit, but implicit veto against 
any absolutism in economical theories. History also 
teaches that there are no stationary phases observable in 
the stages of human development ; that the economical 
occupations of the various nations were of a varied cha- 
racter, and that this variety in occupations proceeded 
from different views entertained by the different nations 
on economical subjects, leading to different results, be- 
cause of the radical conditions of Economy, which rested 
on different bases with the different nations. 

There are theories which, though true in themselves, 
can only be applied with success to practical life under 
certain limitations and restrictions ; a maxim which when 
acted upon, might at one time confer blessings on a 
country, may at another time be fraught with injurious 
effects. It is equally absurd, for instance, to regard the 
mediaeval forms of social life as sheer nonsense, as a bare 
and unhappy delusion on the part of the nations of those 
periods, as to wish, now that all conditions of social life 
are entirely changed, to re-introduce those forms in our 
present institutions, and expect improvements and ad- 
vantages from them. And as with periods and ages, so 



AND ITS PBACTICAL BEARIKGS. 283 

with countries and nations ; measures that will bring- 
ben efits to one country, may on the contrary be fraught 
with evil to another. All efforts, therefore, to frame 
systems and theories calculated to profit indiscriminately 
all ages and all nations must for the present be num- 
bered among the Utopian schemes, the golden dreams of 
merely philanthropic theorists. 



LONDON i 

PEINT£D BY WILLIAM STEVENS, 37, ^ELL lAllD. 

TEMPLE BAR. 



ERRATUM. 

In the running title or heading, as far as page 96, read " during ^^ 
instead of " under the present reign." 



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u. 




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